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History of Later Years 




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Hawaiian Gazette Company, 




JTNQUIRIES are continually being made for a brief, clear and dispassionate history of the 
** Revolution of 1893 and of the events that led up to it. The lapse of time has already 
moderated the bitterness of party spirit, and made it possible to form a juster estimate of 
the chief actors on both sides of that controversy. 

A brief sketch of the salient political events of 1887, was written for Col. J. H. Blount at his own 
request, and afterwards republished by the Hawaiian Gazette Co. At their request the writer 
reluctantly consented to continue his sketch through Kalakaua's reign and that of Liliuokalani 
until the eve of the Revolution of 1893, and afterwards to draw up a more detailed account of 
the revolution and of the subsequent events of that year. The testimony of the principal wit- 
nesses on both sides has been carefully sifted and compared, and no pains has been spared to 
arrive at the truth. 

Much assistance has been derived from a paper by the Rev. S. E Bishop covering the latter 
part of the period in question, and Chapter VI stands as he wrote it with some slight alterations. 

The writer, while not professing to be a neutral, has honestly striven not " to extenuate 
aught or set down aught in malice, " but to state the facts as nearly as possible, in their 
true relations and in their just proportions. The official documents on both sides bearing on 
the case are given in full, including the report of Col. J. H. Blount to the President of the 
United States, and the report of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, drawn up by 

Senator Morgan of Alabama. 








Intrigues during Lunalilo's Reign Election of Kala- 
kaua Court House Riot Inauguration of Kalakaua 
Advent of Col. Spreckels Celso Caesar Moreno 
Legislative Session of 1880 Fall of the Moreno Min- 
istry The W. L. Green Cabinet Kalakaua's Tour 
around the World Triumph of Gibson Legislature 
of 1882 Coronation Embassies Hawaiian Coin- 
age Reconstruction of Gibson Cabinet Legislature 
of 1884 Spreckels' Banking Act Lottery Bill, etc 

Practical Politics Elections of 1886 Opium Li- 
cense Bill London Loan -Sequel to London Loan 
Royal Misrule The Hale Naua Kalakaua's Jubilee 
Embassy to Samoa The Kaimiloa The Aki Opium 
Scandal Revolution of 1887 Constitution of 1887. 
Pages 122 



The Question of the Royal Veto Conspiracies Pro- 
posed Commercial Treaty with the U. S. Legislative 
Session of 1890 Accession of Liliuokalani Equal 
Rights League Legislature of 1892 Triumph of the 
Queen's Party. Pages 22 28 



Return of the Boston Warnings The Prorogation 
Conference in the Foreign Office Scenes in the Pal- 
ace Appeal to Citizens Postponement of the Coup 
d' Eta t Features of the Queen's Constitution Com- 
mittee of Safety Organized Interview with Stevens 
Conference held Saturday Evening Offer made to 
Colburn and Peterson Second meeting of Commit- 
lee of Safety Proceedings of the Queen's Friends 
Sunday Afternoon The Queen's Retraction Third 
Meeting of Committee of Safety Request for the 
Landing of IT. S. Troops Mass Meeting at the Ar- 
mory Report of Committee of Safety Mass Meet- 
ing at Palace Square Landing of U. S. Troops 
Protests Meeting of Committee of Safety Monday 
Evening Mr. Damon's Interview with the Queen 
Last Meeting of the Committee of Safety Proceed- 
ings of the Queen's Party Final Action of the Com- 
mittee of Safety The Shot fired on Fort Street- 
Proclamation of the Provisional Government The 
Volunteers Various Communications Last, Appeal 
by the Cabinet to Stevens The Queen's Surrender 
Surrender of the Station House and the Barracks 

Recognition of the Provisional Government Dis- 
patch of Annexation Commissioners The U. S. Pro- 
tectorate. Pages 29 71 1 





Treaty of Annexation Mission of Hon. Paul Neumann 
Mission of Mr. Davies and Princess Kaiulani 
Withdrawal of the Treaty. Pages 717 



Appointment of .Commissioner Blount His Arrival in 
Honolulu The Hauling down of the U. S. Flag- 
Reception of Royalist Committees, etc. The Bowen- 
Sewall Episode Col. Blount's warning to American 
Citizens The Nordhoff Libel Case Col. Clans 
Spreckels' Demand Conspiracies Col. Blount's In- 
vestigations His Report. Pages 7!' -'.)] 


Hon. A. S. Willis' Appointment and Instructions His 
Arrival at Honolulu Negotiations with the Ex- 
Queen Mass Meeting at the Drill Shed Arrival 
of the Corwin with fresh Instructions to Minister 
Willis The President's 'Message The "Black 
Week" in Honolulu Minister Willis' renewed Inter- 
views with the Queen Mr. J. O. Carter's Mediation 
The Demand for the Restoration of the Queen 
President Dole's Reply to the Demand President 

Dole's Letter of Specifications. Pages 91 134 

Supplement A. Report of Col. J. H. Blount. Pages 135167 
Supplement B. Report of the Senate Committee 

on Foreign Affairs. Pages 167 201 



Chapter I. Eise and Fall of the Insurrection. Pages 203208 
Chapter II. Trial of Political Prisoners. Pages . . .208 214 
Chapter III. Abdication and Trial of Liliuokalani. 

Pages 215222 

Chapter IV. Landing of Anns and General Scheme 

of the Rebellion. Pages 222 224 

Chapter V. Deportation of Political Exiles. Pages . .224 L'2r> 
Chapter VI. Pardon of Political Prisoners. Pages 226 22S 
Chapter VII. Diplomatic Complications Review. 

Pages 228232 


Portrait of Kalakaua opp. Page 2 

Officers of Citizens' Guard " " 20 

Ex-Queen Liliuokalani " " 22 

J. Richardson and Equal Rights Leaguers " " 26 

The Wilcox Cabinet " " 28 

C. B. Wilson and Members of Parker Cabinet. " " 30 

Hon. H. P. Baldwin " " 49 

Capt. Wiltse and Hon. J. L. Stevens " " 50 

President S. B. Dole " " 54 

View of Honolulu " " 56 

Honolulu Fire Department " " 60 

Col. J. H. Soper " " 62 

The Annexation Commissioners " " 68 

The Naniwa and the Boston " " 70 

The OaJiu Railway " " 74 

The Princess Kaiulani and others " " 76 

Col. J. H. Blount and His Ex. A. S. Willis " " 78 

The Cabinet, April, 1893 " " 88 

Leading Royalists " " 98 

Honolulu Postal Service " " 120 

Proclamation of the Republic, July 4, 1894 " " 134 

Members of the Constitutional Convention of 

1894 " 166 

The Annexation Club . " " 216 


Page 11 under Wpreckels' Bank (Charter, line 4, insert after 
and, the word "using." 

Page 1)1, 2d column, 10th line, read "having left a land of 
freedom for one of despotism," etc. 

On page 20 ( J after the personnel of the Military Commission 
insert: Captain John Good, Jr., Company E, and Second 
Lieutenant E. Oscar White, Company B, also served on the 
Commission in place of regular members, when they were 
disqualified or objected to by the accused. During the latter 
days of the trial Captain Kinney was relieved as Judge 
Advocate and A. G. M. Robertson, commissioned aid-de-camp 
on General staff with rank of Captain, substituted in his place. 
Alfred Carter, lately Judge Carter, and Hon. W. R. Castle, 
assisted in preparing the evidence for the prosecution. 

The Later Years of Monarchy. 




It is true that the germs of many of the evils of Ka- 
lakaua's reign may be traced to the reign of Kamehameha 
V. The reactionary policy of that monarch is well known. 
Under him the "recrudescence" of heathenism commenced, 
as evinced by the Pagan orgies at the funeral of his sister, 
Victoria Kamamalu, in June, 1866, and by his encourage- 
ment of the lascivious hulahula dancers and of the pernici- 
ous class of Kahunas or sorcerers. Closely connected with 
this reaction was a growing jealousy and hatred of foreigners. 


During Lunalilo's brief reign, 1873-74, this feeling was 
fanned into a flame by several causes, viz., the execution of 

the law for the segregation of lepers, the agitation caueed by 
the proposal to cede the use of Pearl Harbor to the United 
States, and the famous mutiny at the barracks. This dis- 
affection was made the most of by Kalakaua, who was smart- 
ing under his defeat in the election of January, 8, 1873. In- 
deed, his manifesto previous to that election appealed to this 
race prejudice. Thus he promised, if elected, "to repeal the 
poll tax," " to put native Hawaiians into the Government 
offices," "to amend the Constitution of 1864," etc. "Beware," 
he said, "of the Constitution of 1852, and the false teaching 
of the foreigners, who are now seeking to obtain the direction 
of the Government, if Lunalilo ascends the throne." Walter 
Murray Gibson, formerly Mormon apostle and shepherd of 
Lanai, then professional politician and editor of that scurril- 

6ns pa$er, the .Yn'io!,', vas bitterly disappointed that he had been 
ignored in the formation of Lunalilo's cabinet. Accordingly 
he took the role of an agitator and attached himself to Ka- 
lakaua's part}-. They were both disappointed at the result 
of the barracks mutiny, which had undoubtedly been fomented 
by Kalakaua. 


Upon Lunalilo's untimely death, February 3, 1874. as no 
successor to the throne had been appointed, the Legislature 
was summoned to meet on the 12th, only nine days after his 
death. The popular choice lay between Kalakaua and the Queen- 
Dowager Emma. The Cabinet and the American party used 
all their influence in favor of the former, while the English 
favored Emma, who was devoted to their interest. At the 
same time Kalakaua's true character was not generally un- 
derstood. The natives knew that his family had always been 
an idolatrous one. His reputed grandfather, Kamanawa, had 
been hanged, October 20, 1840, for poisoning his wife, Kamo- 

Under Kamehameha V. he had always been an advocate of 
absolutism, and also of legalizing the furnishing of alcoholic 
liquors to natives. While he was postmaster a defalcation 
occurred, which was covered up, while his friends made 
good the loss to the Government. Like Wilkins Micawber, 
he was impecunious all his life, whatever the amount of his 
income might be. He was characterized by a fondness for 

decorations and military show long before he was thought of 
as a possible candidate for the throne. 

It was believed, however, that if Queen Emma should be 
elected there would be no hope of our obtaining a reciprocity 
treaty with the United States. The movement in favor of 
Queen Emma carried the day with the natives on OgJiu, but 
had not time to spread to the other islander-^lTwas charged, 
and generally believed that bribery was used by Kalakaua's 
friends to secure his election. Be that as it may, the Legis- 
lature was convened in the old court-house (now occupied by 
Hackfeld & Co.) and elected Kalakaua King by 39 votes to 6. 


A hort-ling mob, composed of Queen Emma's partizans, had 
surrounded the court-house during the election, after which 
they battered down the back-doors, sacked the building, and 
assaulted the representatives with clubs. Messrs. C. C. Harris 
and S. B. Dole held the main door against them for consider- 
able time. The mob, with one exception, refrained from 
violence to foreigners, from fear of intervention by the men- 
of-war in port. 

The cabinet and the marshal had been warned of the danger, 
but had made light of it. The police appeared to be in sym- 
pathy with the populace, and the volunteers, for the same 
reason, would not turn out. Mr. H. A. Pierce, the American 
Minister, however, had anticipated the riot, and had agreed 
with Commander Belknap, of the U. S. S. Tuscarora, and 


Commander Skerrett, of the Portsmouth, upon a signal for 
landing the troops under their command. At last Mr. 
C. R. Bishop, Minister of Foreign Affairs, formally applied to 
him and to Major Wodehouse, H. B. M.'s Commissioner, for 
assistance in putting down the riot. 

A body of J50 marines immediately landed from the two 
American men-of-war, and in a few minutes was joined by 
seventy men from H. B. M.'s corvette Tenedos, Capt. Ray.x 
They quickly dispersed the mob and arrested a number of 
them without any bloodshed. The British troops first occu- 
pied Queen Emma's grounds, arresting several of the ring- 
leaders there, and afterwards guarded the palace and barracks. 
The other Government buildings, the prison, etc., were guarded 
by American troops until the 20th. 


The next day at noon Kalakaua was sworn in as King, 
under the protection of the United States troops. By an irony 
of fate the late leader of the anti-American agitation owed 
his life and his throne to American intervention, and for 
several years he depended upon the support of the foreign 
community. In these circumstances he did not venture to 
proclaim a new constitution ( as in his inaugural speech he 
had said he intended to do), nor to disregard public opinion 
in his appointments. His first Minister ot Foreign Affairs 
was the late Hon. W. L. Green, an Englishman, universally 
respected for his integrity and ability, who held this office 

for nearly three years, and carried through the treaty of re- 
ciprocity in the teeth of bitter opposition. 


The following October Messrs. E. H. Allen and H. A. P. 
Carter were sent to Washington to negotiate a treaty of re- 

The Government of the United States having extended an 
invitation to the King, and placed the U. S. S. Benicia at 
his disposal, he embarked November 17, 1874, accompanied 
by Mr. H. A. Pierce and several other gentlemen. They were 
most cordially received and treated as guests of the nation. 
After a tour through the Northern States the royal party re- 
turned to Honolulu February 15, 1875, in the U. S. S. Pen- 
sacola. The treaty of reciprocity was concluded January 30, 
1875, and the ratifications were exchanged at Washington 
June 3, 1875. 

The act necessary to carry it into effect was not, however, 
passed by the Hawaiian Legislature till July 18, 1876, after 
the most stubborn opposition, chiefly from the English mem- 
bers of the house and the partisans of Queen Emma, who de- 
nounced it as a step toward annexation. It finally went 
into effect September 9, 1876. 


The first effect of the reciprocity treaty was to cause a 
" boom " in sugar, which turned the heads of some of our 

shrewdest men and nearly caused a financial crash. Among 
other enterprises the Haiku irrigation ditch, twenty miles 
in length, which taps certain streams flowing down the 
northern slopes of East Maui and waters three plantations, 
was planned and carried out by Mr. S. T. Alexander, in 
1877. About that time he pointed out to Col. Glaus 
Spreckels the fertile plain of Central Maui, then lying waste, 
which only needed irrigation to produce immense crops. 
Accordingly, in 1878, Mr. Spreckels applied to the cabinet 
for a lease of the surplus waters of -the streams on the 
northeast side of Maui as far as Honomanu. They flow 
through a rugged district at present almost uninhabited. 
The then Attorney-General. Judge Hartwell, and the Minis- 
ister of the Interior, J. Mott Smith, refused to grant him 
a perpetual monopoly of this water, as they state it. Up to 
this time the changes in the cabinet had been caused by 
disagreements between its members, and had no political 

In the mean time, Mr. Gibson, after many months of prep- 
aration, had brought in before the Legislature a motion of 
want of confidence in the ministry, which was defeated June 
24, by a vote of 26 to 19. On the night of July 1, Messrs. 
Claus Spreckels and G. W. Macfarlane had a long conference 
with Kalakaua at the Hawaiian Hotel on the subject of the 
water privilege, and adjourned to the palace about midnight. 
It is not necessary to give the details here, but the result was 
that letters were drawn up and signed by the King, addressed to 

each member of the cabinet, requesting his resignation, without 
stating any reason for his dismissal. These letters were de- 
livered by a messenger between 1 and 2 o'clock in the morn- 
ing. Such an arbitrary and despotic act was without precedent 
in Hawaiian history. 

The next day a new cabinet was appointed, consisting of 
S. G. Wilder, Minister of the Interior; E. Preston, Attorney- 
General; Simon Kaai. Minister of Finance; and John Kapena, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. The last two positions were 
sinecures, but Kaai as a speaker and politician had great in- 
fluence with his countrymen. The new cabinet granted Mr. 
Spreckels the desired water privilege for thirty years at $500 
per annum. The opium license and free liquor bills were 
killed. The actual premier, Mr. Wilder, was probably the 
ablest administrator that this country has ever had. He in- 
fused new vigor into every department of the Government, 
promoted immigration, carried out extensive public improve- 
ments, and at the legislative session of 1880 was able to show 
cash in the treasury sufficient to pay off the existing national 
debt. But his determination to administer his own depart- 
ment in accordance with business methods did not suit the 

Meanwhile Gibson spared no pains to make himself con- 
spicuous as the soi-disant champion of the aboriginal race. 
He even tried to capture the " missionaries," "experienced 
religion," held forth at sundry prayer jneetings, and spoke in 
favor of temperance. 

IN M- x 





The professional lobbyist, Celso Ctesar Moreno, well known 
at Sacramento and Washington, arrived in Honolulu Novem- 
ber 14, 1879, on the China Merchants' Steam Navigation Com- 
pany's steamer ffo-chung, with the view of establishing a line 
of steamers between Honolulu and China. Soon afterwards 
he presented a memorial to the Hawaiian Government asking 
for a subsidy to the proposed line. He remained in Hono- 
lulu about ten months, during which time he gained unbounded 
influence over the King by servile flattery and by encourag- 
ing all his pet hobbies. He told him that he ought to be 
his own prime minister, and to fill all Government offices 
with native Hawaiians. He encouraged his craze for a ten- 
million loan, to be spent chiefly for military purposes, and 
told him that China was the " treasure house of the world," 
where he could borrow all the money he wanted. The King 
was always an active politician, and he left no stone unturned 
to carry the election of 1880. His candidates advocated a ten- 
million loan and unlimited Chinese immigration. With Mo- 
reno's assistance he produced a pamphlet in support of these 
views, entitled " A reply to ministerial utterances." 


In the Legislature of 1880 was seen the strange spectacle 
of the King working with a pair of unscrupulous adventurers 
to oust his own constitutional advisers, and introducing through 

his creatures a series of bills, which were generally defeated 
by the ministry. 

Gibson had now thrown off the mask, and voted for every- 
one of the King and Moreno's measures. Among their bills 
which failed were the ten-million loan bill, the opium license 
bill, the free-liquor bill, and especially the bill guaranteeing 
a bonus of $1,000,000 in gold to Moreno's Trans Pacific Cable 

The subsidy to the China line of steamers was carried by 
the lavish use of money ; but it was never paid. Appropri- 
ations were passed for the education of Hawaiian youths 
abroad, and for the coronation of the King and Queen. 

At last on the 4th of August, Gibson brought in a motion 
of " want of confidence," which, after a lengthy debate, was 
defeated by the decisive vote of 32 to 10. On the 14th, the 
King prorogued the Legislature at noon, and about an hour 
later dismissed his ministers without a word of explanation, 
and appointed Moreno, Premier and Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs; J. E. Bush, Minister of the Interior; W. C. Jones, At- 
torney-General; and Rev. M. Kuaea, Minister of Finance. 


Moreno was generally detested by the foreign community, 
and the announcement of his appointment created intense 

For the first time the discordant elements of the foreign com- 
munity were united, and they were supported by a large propor- 

tion of the natives. The three highest and most influential 
chiefs Queen Dowager Emma, Ruth Keelikolani and Bernice 
Pauahi Bishop joined in condemning the King's course. 
Two mass meetings were held at the Kaumakapili church, and 
a smaller one of foreigners at the old Bethel church, to pro- 
test against the coup d'etat. The diplomatic representatives 
of the United States, England and France General Comly, 
Major Wodehouse and M. Ratard raised their respective flags 
over their legations, and declared that they would hold no 
further official intercourse with the Hawaiian Government as 
long as Moreno should be premier. On the side of the King, 
R. W. Wilcox, Nawahi and others harangued the natives, ap- 
pealing to their jealousy of foreigners. The following mani- 
festo is a sample : 


" To all true-born citizens of the country, greeting : We 
have with us one Celso Caesar Moreno, a naturalized and true 
Hawaiian. His great desire is the advancement of this coun- 
try in wealth, and the salvation of this people, by placing 
the leading positions of Government in the hands of the Ha- 
waiians for administration. The great desire of Moreno is to 
cast down foreigners from official positions and to put true 
Hawaiian*; in their places, because to them belongs the country. 
They should hold the Government and not strangers. Posi- 
tions have been taken from Hawaiians and given to strangers. 
C. C. Moreno desires to throw down these foreigners and to 

elevate to high positions the people to whom belongs the land, 
i. e., the red skins. This is the real cause of jealousy on the 
part of foreigners, viz., that Hawaiians shall be placed above 
them iu all things in this well-beloved country. C. C. Moreno 
is the hsart from whence will issue life to the real Hawaiians." 

After four days of intense excitement, the King yielded to 
the storm. Moreno's resignation was announced on the 19th, 
and his place filled ad interim by J. E. Bush. On the 30th 
Moreno left for Europe, with three Hawaiian "youths" under 
his charge, viz., R. W. Wilcox, a member of the late Legis- 
lature,' 26 years of age, Robert Boyd and James K. Booth. 
It was afterwards ascertained that he bore a Fecret commis- 
sion as minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary to 
all the great powers, as well as letters addressed to the Gov- 
ernments of the United States, England and France, demand- 
ing the recall of their representatives. A violent quarrel had 
broken out between him and his disappointed rival, Gibson. 
who purchased the P. C. Advertiser printing office with Gov- 
ernment money. September 1, and conducted that paper thence- 
forth as the King's organ. 

Mr. W. L. Green was persuaded to accept the vacant place 
of minister of foreign affairs September 22. In a few days 
he discovered what had been done, and immediately notified 
the representatives of the three powers concerned of the insult 
that had been offered them. 

A meeting was held at his office between the foreign repre- 
sentatives on the one side and himself and J. E. Bush on the 

other, at which the letters in question were read. The result 
was that Mr. Green resigned and compelled the resignation 
of his colleagues. 


Mr. Glaus Spreckels, who arrived September 5, took an active 
part in these events and in the formation of the new minis- 
try, which consisted of \V. L. Green, Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs; H. A. P. Carter, Minister of the Interior; J. S. Walker, 
Minister of Finance, and W. N. Armstrong, Attorney-General. 

Their first act was to annul Moreno's commission, and to send 
dispatches, which were telegraphed from San Francisco to 
Washington, London and Paris, disavowing the demands which 
he had sent. Moreno, however, proceeded on his journey and 
finally placed the Hawaiian youths, one in a military and 
two in ,a naval school in Italy. 


The King immediately began to agitate his project of a trip 
around the world. As it was known that he was corresponding 
with Moreno, it was arranged that Mr. C. H. Judd should 
accompany him as Chamberlain, and Mr. W. N. Armstrong 
as Commissioner of Immigration. He was received with royal 
honors in Japan, Siam, and Johore. On the King's arrival in 
Naples. Moreno made an audacious attempt to take possession of 
His Majesty and dispense with his companions, but he met with 
more than his match in Armstrong. The royal party visited 

nearly all the capitals of Europe, where the King added a 
large number of decorations to his collection, and took par- 
ticular note of military matters and court etiquette. An Aus- 
trian field battery which took his eye, afterwards cost this 
country nearly 120,000. During the King's absence his sister, 
Mrs. Dominie, styled Liliuokalani, acted as regent. He re- 
turned to Honolulu, October 29, 1881, where he had a mag- 
nificent reception, triumphal arches, torches blazing at noon- 
day, and extravagant adulation of every description. 


During the King's absence he had kept up a correspondence 
with his political workers at home, and after his return he 
produced another pamphlet in Hawaiian, advocating a ten- 
million loan. Gibson's paper had been filled with gross flat- 
tery of the King and of the natives, and had made the most 
of the smallpox epidemic of 1881 to excite the populace against 
the ministry. 

Just before the election of 1882, a pamphlet appeared, con- 
taining a scathing exposure of his past career (especially in 
connection with the Mormon Church), backed by a mass of 
documentary evidence. Gibson's only reply was to point to 
his subsequent election by a large majority of the native voters 
of Honolulu. Only two other white men were elected on the 
islands that year. It was the first time that the race issue 
had superseded all other considerations with the native elec- 


The Legislature of 1882 was one of the weakest and most 
corrupt that ever sat in Honolulu. At the opening of the 
session Minister Carter was absent in Portugal, negotiating a 
treaty with the Government of that country. It was soon 
evident that the Ministry did not control a majority of the 
House, but the King did. After an ineffectual attempt to 
quiet Gibson by offering him the Presidency of the Board of 
Health with a salary of $4000, they resigned May 19th, and 
Gibson became Premier. 

His colleagues were J. E. Bush, lately of Moreno's cabinet; 
Simon Kaai, who drank himself to death; and Edward Pres- 
ton, Attorney-General, who was really the mainstay of the 

One of their first measures was an act to convey to Glaus 
Spreckels the crown lands of Wailuku, containing some 24,000 
acres, in order to compromise a claim which he held to an 
undivided share of the crown lands. He had purchased from 
Ruth Keelikolani, for the sum of $10,000, all the interest 
which she might have had in the crown lands as being the 
half-sister of Kamehameha IV., who died intestate. Her claim 
had been ignored in the decision of the Supreme Court and 
the Act of 1865, which constituted the crown lands. Instead 
of testing her right by a suit before the Supreme Court, the 
Ministry thought it best to accept the above compromise, and 
carried it through the Legislature. 

The prohibition against furnishing intoxicating liquor to 
natives was repealed at this session, and the consequences to 
the race have been disastrous. The ten-million loan bill was 
again introduced, l>ut was shelved in committee and a two- 
million loan act substituted for it. The appropriation bill 
was swelled to double the estimated receipts of the Govern- 
ment, including $30,000 for coronation expenses, $30,000 for 
Hawaiian youths in foreign countries, $10,000 for a Board of 
Genealogy, besides large sums for the military, foreign em- 
bassies, the palace, etc. 

At the last moment a bill was rushed through, giving the 
King sole power to appoint district justices, through his cre- 
atures, the governors, which had formerly been done only "by 
and with the advice of the Justices of the Supreme Court." 
This was another step toward absolutism. Meanwhile Gibson 
defended the King's right to be an active politician, and called 
him " the first Hawaiian King with the brains and heart of 
a statesman." 

At the same time it was understood that Glaus Spreckels 
backed the Gibson ministry and made them advances under 
the Loan Act. 


Kalakaua had always felt dissatisfied with the manner in 
which he had been sworn in as a King. He was also tired 
of being reminded that he was not a King by birth, but only 
by election. To remedy this defect he determined to have 

the ceremony performed over again in as imposing a manner 
as possible. Three years were spent in preparations for the 
great event, and invitations were sent to all rulers and po- 
tentates on earth to be present in person or by proxy on the 
occasion. Japan sent a commissioner, while England, France 
and the United States were represented by ships of war. The 
ceremony took place February 12, 1883, nine years after Ka- 
lakaua's inauguration. Most of the regalia had been ordered 
from London, viz., two crowns, a scepter, ring and sword, while 
the royal feather mantle, tabu stick and kahili or plumed staff, 
were native insignia of rank. 

A pavilion was built for the occasion, as well as a tempor. 
ary amphitheatre for the spectators. The Chief Justice ad- 
ministered the oath of office and invested the King with the 
various insignia This ceremony was boycotted by the high 
chiefs, Queen Emma, Ruth Keelikolani and Mrs. Bernice Pau- 
ahi Bishop, and by a large part of the foreign community, as 
an expensive and useless pageant intended to aid the King's 
political schemes to make himself an absolute monarch, The 
coronation was followed by feasts, a regatta and races, and by 
a series of nightly hula hulas, i. e., heathen dances, accom- 
panied by appropriate songs. The printer of the coronation 
hula programme, which contained the subjects and first lines 
of these songs, was prosecuted and fined by the court on ac- 
count of their gross and incredible obscenity. 


During this year Mr. J. M. Kapena was sent as Envoy Ex- 
traordinary to Japan, while Mr. C. P. laukea, with H. Poor 
as secretary, was sent to attend the coronation of the Czar 
Alexander III. at Moscow, and afterwards on a mission to 
Paris, Rome, Belgrade, Calcutta and Japan, on his way around 
the world. 

Kalakaua was no longer satisfied with being merely a King 
of Hawaii, but aspired to what Gibson termed the " Primacy 
of the Pacific." Captain Tripp and F. L. Clarke were sent 
as royal commissioners to the Gilbert Islands and New He- 
brides to prepare the way for a Hawaiian protectorate ; and a 
parody on the " Monroe doctrifte " was put forth in a grand- 
iloquent protest addressed to all the great powers by Mr. Gibson, 
warning them against any further annexation of the islands 
in the Pacific Ocean, and claiming for Hawaii the exclusive 
right ''to assist them in improving their political and social 
condition," i, e., a virtual protectorate of the other groups. 


The King was now impatient to have his " image and super- 
scription " on the coinage of the realm, to add to his dignity 
as an independent monarch. As no appropriation had been 
made for this purpose, recourse was had to the recognized 
"power behind the throne." Mr. Glaus Spreckels purchased 
the bullion, and arrangements were made with the San Fran- 

Cisco mint for the coinage of silver dollars and fractions of a 
dollar, to the amount of one million dollars' worth, to be of 
identical weight and fineness with the like coins of the United 
States. The intrinsic value of the silver dollar at that time 
was about 84 cents. It was intended, however, to exchange 
this silver for gold bonds at par under the Loan Act of 1882. 
On the arrival of the first installment of the coin the matter 
was brought before the Supreme Court by Messrs. Dole, Castle 
and W. 0. Smith. After a full hearing of the case, the court 
decided that these bonds could not legally be placed except 
for par value in gold coin of the United States, and issued 
an injunction to that effect on the Minister of Finance, De- 
cember 14, 1883. The Privy Council was then convened, and 
declared these coins to be of the legal value expressed on their 
face, subject to the legal-tender act, and they were gradually 
put into circulation. A profit of $150,000 is said to have been 
made on this transaction. * 


Mr. Gibson's first Cabinet went to pieces in little over a 
year. Simon Kaai was compelled to resign in February, 1883, 
from "chronic inebriety," and was succeeded by J. M. Kapena. 
Mr. Peterson resigned the following May from disgust at the 
King's personal intermeddling with the administration, and 
iA July Mr. Bush resigned in consequence of a falling out 
with Mr. Gibson. For some time " the secretary stood alone," 
being at once Minister of Foreign Affairs, Attorney-General 

and Minister of the Interior ad interim; besides being a Presi- 
dent of the Board of Health, President of the Board of Edu- 
cation and member of the Board of Immigration, with nearly 
the whole foreign community opposed to him. The price of 
Government bonds had fallen to 75 per cent, with no takers, 
and the treasury was nearly empty. At this juncture (August 
6) when a change of Ministry was looked for, Mr. C. T. Gulick 
was persuaded to take the portfolio of the Interior, and a 
small loan was obtained from his friends. Then to the sur- 
prise of the public, Colonel Glaus Spreckels decided to support 
the Gibson Cabinet, which was soon after completed by the 
accession of Mr. Paul Neumann. 


Since 1882 a considerable reaction had taken place among 
the natives, who resented the cession of Wailuku to Spreckels, 
and felt a profound distrust of Gibson. In spite of the war 
cry " Hawaii for Hawaiians," and 'the lavish use of Govern- 
ment patronage, the Palace party was defeated in the elections 
generally, although it held Honolulu, its stronghold. Among 
the Reform members that session were Messrs. Dole, Rowell, 
Smith, Hitchcock, the three brothers, Godfrey, Cecil and Frank 
Brown, Kauhane, Kalua, Nawahi, and the late Pilipo, of 
honored memory. 

At the opening of the session the Reform party elected the 
speaker of the house, and controlled the organization of the 




The report of the Finance committee was the most damag- 
ing exposure ever made to a Hawaiian Legislature. A resolu- 
tion of "want of confidence" was barely defeated (June 28) 
by the four Ministers themselves voting on it. 


An act to establish a national bank had been drawn up for 
Colonel Spreckels by a well-known law firm in San Francisco, 
and brought down to Honolulu by ex-Governor Lowe. After 
"seeing" the King, and the usual methods in vogue at Sacra- 
mento, the ex-Governor returned to San Francisco, boasting 
that " he had the Hawaiian Legislature in his pocket." But 
as soon as the bill had been printed and carefully examined, 
a storm of opposition broke out. It provided for the issue of 
a million dollars worth of paper money, backed by an equal 
amount of Government bonds deposited as security. The 
notes might be redeemed in either silver or gold. There was 
no clause requiring quarterly or semi-annual reports of the 
state of the bank. Nor was a minimum fixed of the amount of 
cash to be reserved in the bank. In fact, most of the safeguards of 
the American national banking system were omitted. Its notes 
were to be legal tender except for customs dues. It was empowered 
to own steamship lines and railroads, and carry on mercantile 
business, without paying license fees. It was no doubt intended 
to monopolize or control all transportation within the King- 
dom, as well as the importing business from the United States. 

The charter was riddled both in the house and in the 

chamber of commerce, and indignation meetings of citizens 
were held until the King was alarmed, and finally it was 
killed on the second reading by an overwhelming majority. 
On hearing of the result the sugar king took the first steamer for 
Honolulu, and on his arrival "the air was blue full of strange 
oaths, and many fresh and new" On second thought, how- 
ever, and after friendly discussion, he accepted the situation, 
and a fair general banking law was passed, providing for banks 
of deposit and exchange, but not of issue. 


At the same session a lottery bill was introduced by certain 
agents of the Louisiana company. It offered to pay all the 
expenses of the leper settlement for a license to carry on its 
nefarious business, besides offering private inducements to venal 
legislators. In defiance of the public indignation, shown by 
mass meetings, petitions, etc., the bill was forced through its 
second reading, but was stopped at that stage and withdrawn, 
as is claimed, by Col. Spreckels' personal influence with the 

Kalakaua's famous " Report of the Board of Genealogy " was 
published at this session. An opium license bill was killed, 
as well as an eight-million dollar loan bill, while a num- 
ber of excellent laws were passed. Among these were the 
currency act and Dole's homestead law. The true friends of 
the native race had reason to rejoice that so much evil had 
been prevented. 



During the next few years the country suffered from a peculi- 
arly degrading kind of despotism. I do not refer to the King's 
personal immorality, nor to his systematic efforts to debauch 
and heathenize the natives to further his political ends. 

The coalition in power defied public opinion and persistently 
endeavored to crush out or disarm all opposition, and to turn 
the Government into a political machine for the perpetuation 
of their power. For the first time in Hawaiian history faithful 
officers who held commissions from the Kamehamehas were 
summarily removed on suspicion of "not being in accord" with 
the cabinet, and their places generally filled by pliant tools. 
A marked preference was given to unknown adventurers and 
defaulters over natives and old residents. Even contracts (for 
building bridges, for instance) were given to firms in foreign 

The various branches of the civil service were made political 
machines, and even the Board of Education and Government 
Survey came near being sacrificed to "practical politics." All 
who would not bow the knee received the honorable sobriquet 
of " missionaries." The demoralizing effects of this regime, the 
sycophancy, hypocrisy and venality produced by it have been 
a curse to the country ever since. The Legislature of 1884 
was half composed of office-holders, and wires were skillfully 
laid to carry the next election. Grog shops were now licensed 
in the country districts, to serve as rallying points for the 

"National party." The Gibsonian papers constantly labored 
to foment race hatred among the natives and class jealousy 
among the whites. 

Fortunately, one branch of the Government, the Supreme 
Court, still remained independent and outlived the Gibson regime. 


The election of 1886 was the most corrupt one ever held 
in this Kingdom, and the last one held under the old regime. 
During the canvass the country districts were flooded with 
cheap gin, chiefly furnished by the King, who paid for it by 
franking other liquor through the Custom House free of duty, 
and thereby defrauding the Government of revenue amount- 
ing to $4749.35. (See report of Attorney-General for 1888, 
and the case of the King vs. G. W. Macfarlane, 1888.) Out 
of twenty-seven Government candidates twenty-three were 
office-holders, one a last year's tax assessor and one the Queen's 
secretary. A list of them is appended herewith. There was 
only one white man on the Government ticket, viz., the pre- 
mier's son-in-law. 





N. Kona 

J. K. Nahale 

Tax Collector. 

S. Kona. . 

D. H. Nahinu . . 

Deoutv Sheriff A Tax Collector. 









A. Kekoa 

Tax Collector. 





A. Pahia . .. 

Tax Collector. 


K aunamano 

Tax Collector. 

Kohala .... 

Z. Ealai 

District Judge. 


L. Aholo 

Police Judge. 


Kia Nahaolelua 

Tax Collector. 

1 1 ;i n;i 

S W. Kaai 

District Judge. 


J. Kainak* 1 ]*' 

Tax Collector. 


Road Sup'r. and Tax Collector. 

Kaanapali . . 

J. Eaukau 

Deputy Sheriff* Tax Collector. 



Tax Collector. 


District Judge. 


F. H. Hayselden 

Sec'y Bd. Health & Tax Coll'tr. 


James Keau 

Poi Contractor. 


Lilikalani . 

Queen's Secretary. 

Honolulu . . 

J. T. Baker 

Capt. King's Guards. 

Ewa & Waianae... 

J. P. Kama 

District Judge. 
Tax Collector. 


P. Kaulia 

District Judge. 


J. Amara 

Deputy Sheriff & Tax Collector. 



Deputy Sheriff & Tax Collector. 


T. K;ilaeone 

Waimea . ....... 

E. Kauai 

District Judge. 

In order to prevent Pilipo's election, the King proceeded to 
his district of North Kona, taking with him a number of sol- 
diers and attendants (who voted at the election), besides numer- 
ous cases of liquor. He took an active part in the canvass, 
and succeeded in defeating Pilipo by a small majority. The 
King's interference with the election nearly provoked a riot, 
which was averted by Pilipo's strenuous exertions. The matter 
was investigated by a legislative committee, whose report is on 
file. Mr. E. Kekoa, the member elected from Puna, was after- 
wards tried and convicted of gross violations of the election 
laws, but the House refused to declare his seat vacant. 

Only ten Reform candidates were elected, viz. : Messrs. Cecil 
Brown, W. R. Castle, C. H. Dickey, S. B. Dole, J. Kauhane, 
A. Kauhi, J. W. Kalua, A. Paehaole, L. A. Thurston and J. 


The session of 1886 was a long one, and a vacation of two 
weeks was taken, from July 26 until August 9, to allow the 
tax collectors in the Legislature to go home and nominally 
perform the duties of their office. About this time certain 
creditors to the Government in San Francisco brought pressure 
to bear upon the Ministry to cede or hypothecate the Hono- 
lulu waterworks and part of the wharves to a California 
company. The pressure became so great that the Ministers 
opposed to the project were requested by the King to resign, 
and a new Cabinet was formed June 30, 1886, consisting of 


W. M. Gibson, Minister of the Interior ; R. J. Creighton, a 
journalist, lately arrived from California, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs ; J. T. Dare, another recent arrival, Attorney-General ; 
and P. P. Kanoa, Minister of Finance, in place of J. Kapena, 
who had succumbed to the same failing th&t had destroyed 
Simon Kaai. 

The two new members of the Cabinet were respectable gen- 
tlemen, but soon found themselves in a false position. 


An opium-license bill was introduced towards the end of the 
session by Kaunamano, one of the King's tools, and after a 
long debate carried over the votes of the Ministry by a bare 
majority. It provided that a license for four years should be 
granted to "some one applying therefor" by the Minister of 
the Interior, with the consent of the King, for $30,000 per 
annum. The object of this provision was plainly seen at the 
time, and its after consequences were destined to be disastrous 
to its author. Mr. Dole proposed an amendment that the 
license be sold at public auction at an upset price of $30,- 
000, which, however, was defeated by a majority of one, 
only one white man, F. H. Hayselden, voting with the 

Another act was passed to create a so-called "Hawaiian Board 
of Health," consisting of five kahunas, appointed by the King, 
with power to issue certificates to native kahunas to practice 
" native medicine." 


The King had been convinced that, for the present, he must 
forego his pet scheme of a ten-million loan. A two-million 
loan bill, however, was brought in early in the session, with 
the view of obtaining the money in San Francisco. The sub- 
ject was dropped for a time, then revived again, and the bill 
finally passed September 1. 

Meanwhile, the idea of obtaining a loan in London was 
suggested to the King by Mr. A. Hoffnung, of that city, whose 
firm had carried on the Portuguese immigration. The pro- 
posal pleased the King, who considered that' creditors at so 
great a distance would not be likely to trouble themselves 
much about the internal politics of this little Kingdom. Mr. 
H. R. Armstrong, of the firm of Skinner & Co., London, visited 
Honolulu to further the project, which was engineered by Mr. 
G. W. Macfarlane in the Legislature. 

Two parties were now developed in that body, viz., the 
Spreckels' party, led by the Ministry, and the King's party, 
which favored the London loan. The small knot of indepen- 
dent members held the balance of power. 

The two contending parties brought in two sets of conflict- 
ing amendments to the loan act, of which it is not necessary 
to give the details. As Kaulukou put it, "the amendment of 
the Attorney-General provides that if they want to borrow 
any money they must pay up Mr. Spreckels first. He under- 
stood that the Government owed Mr. Spreckels $600,000 or 


$700,000. He has lent them money in the past, and were 
they prepared to say to him, 'We have found new friends in 
England ' to give him a slap in the face ?' " 

On the other side, Mr. J. T. Baker " was tired of hearing 
a certain gentleman spoken of as a second King. As this 
amendment was in the interest of that gentleman he voted 
against it." Allusions were also made to the reports that the 
waterworks were going to be pledged to him. When the de- 
cisive moment arrived, the independents cast their votes with 
the King's party, defeating the ministry by 23 votes to 14. 
The result was that the cabinet resigned that night, after 
which Gibson went on his knees to the King and begged to 
be reappointed. 

The next morning, October 14, to the surprise of every one 
and to the disgust of his late allies, Gibson reappeared in the 
house as premier, with three native colleagues, viz., Aholo, 
Kanoa and Kaulukou. But from this time on he had no real 
power, as he had neither moral nor financial backing. The 
helm of state had slipped from his hands. Mr. Spreckels called 
on the King, returned all his decorations, and shook off the 
dust from his feet. The Legislature appropriated $100,000 for a 
gunboat and $15,000 to celebrate the King's fiftieth birthday. 

In this brief sketch it is imposible to give any idea of the 
utter want of honor and decency that characterized the pro- 
ceedings of the Legislature of 1886. 

The appropriation bill footed up $3,856,755.50, while the 
estimated receipts were $2,336,870.42. 


From the report of the Minister of Finance for 1888 we learn 
that Mr. H. R. Armstrong, who had come to Honolulu as the 
agent of the London syndicate, was appointed agent of the 
Hawaiian Government to float the loan. He was also ap- 
pointed Hawaiian Consul-General for Great Britain, while 
Mr.A. Hoffnung, previously referred to, was made Charge 

In the same report we find that the amount borrowed under 
the loan act of 1886 in Honolulu was $771,800 and in London 
$980,000. Of the former amount $630,000 was used to extin- 
guish the debt owed to Col. Spreckels. By the terms of the 
loan act the London syndicate was entitled to 5 per cent, of 
the proceeds of the bonds which they disposed of, as their com- 
mission for guaranteeing them at 98 per cent. But it appears 
that in addition to this amount 15,000, or about $75,000, 
was illegally detained by them and has never been accounted 
for. The Legislature of 1888 appropriated the sum of $5,000 
to defray the expenses of a lawsuit against the financial agents, 
to recover the $75,000 thus fraudulently retained. The matter 
was placed in the hands of Col. J. T. Griffin, who advised the 
Government that it was not expedient to prosecute the case. 
The $75,000 has therefore been entered on the books of the 
treasury department as a dead loss. Since then Mr. H. R. 
Armstrong's name has ceased to appear in the Government 
directory among those of the Consuls-General. 



As before stated, the King now acted as his own prime min- 
ister, employing Gibson to execute his schemes and defend his 
follies. For the next eight months he rapidly went from bad 
to worse. After remaining one month in the cabinet Mr. Ka- 
ulukou was transferred to the Marshal's office, while Mr. 
An tone Rosa was appointed Attorney-General in his place and 
J. M. Kapena made Collector-General. The limits of this brief 
sketch forbid any attempt to recount the political grievances 
of this period. Among the lesser scandals were the sale of 
offices, the defrauding of the customs revenue by abuse of the 
royal privilege, the illegal leasing of lands in Kona and Kau to 
the King without putting them up to auction, the sale of exemp- 
tions to lepers, the gross neglect of the roads, and misapplication 
of road monev, particularly of the Queen street appropriation. 

Efforts to revive heathenism were now redoubled under the 
pretense of cultivating "national" feeling. Kahunas were as- 
sembled from the other islands as the King's birthday ap- 
proached, and "night was made hideous" with the sound of 
the hula drum and the blowing of conchs in the palace yard. 
A foreign fortune teller by the name of Rosenberg acquired 
great influence with the King. 


This was founded September 24, 1886. A charter for it was 
obtained by the King from the Privy Council, not without 

difficulty, on account of the suspicion that was felt in regard 
to its character and objects. According to its constitution it 
was founded forty quadrillions of years after the foundation 
of the world, and twenty-four thousand seven hundred and 
fifty years from Lailai, the first woman. 

Its by-laws are a travesty of Masonry, mingled with pagan- 
rites. The Sovereign is styled Iku Hai ; the secretary, Iku 
Lani ; the treasurer, Iku Nuu. Besides these were the keeper 
of the sacred fire, the anointer with oil, the almoner, etc. 
Every candidate had to provide an " oracle," a kauwila wand, 
a ball of olona twine, a dried fish, a taro root, etc. Every 
member or "mamo" was invested with a yellow malo or pau 
(apron) and a feather cape. The furniture of the hall com- 
prised three drums, two kahilis or feathered staffs, and two 
puloulous or tabu sticks. 

So far as the secret proceedings and objects of the society 
have transpired, it appears to have been intended partly as 
an agency for the revival of heathenism, partly to pander to 
vice, and indirectly to serve as a political machine. Enough 
leaked out to intensify the general disgust that was felt at the 
debasing influence of the palace. 


The sum of $15,000 had been appropriated by the Legisla- 
ture of 1886 towards the expenses of the celebration of His 
Majesty's fiftieth birthday, which occurred November 16, 


Extensive preparations were made to celebrate this memor- 
able occasion, and all office holders were given to understand 
that every one of them was expected to "hookupu" or make 
a present corresponding to his station. At midnight preced- 
ing the auspicious day a salute was fired and bonfires were 
lighted on Punchbowl Hill, rockets were sent up, and all the 
bells in the city set ringing. 

The reception began at 6 A. M. Premier Gibson had already 
presented the King with a pair of elephant tusks mounted on 
a koa stand with the inscription : " The horns of the righteous 
shall be exalted." The Honolulu police marched in and pre- 
sented the King with a book on a velvet cushion containing 
a bank check for $570. The Government physicians, headed 
by F. H. Hayselden, Secretary of the Board of Health, pre- 
sented a silver box containing $1,000 in twenty dollar gold 
pieces. The Custom House clerks offered a costly gold-headed 
cane. All officials paid tribute in some shape. Several native 
benevolent societies marched in procession, for the most part 
bearing koa calabashes. The school children, the fishermen 
and many other natives marched through the throne room, 
dropping their contributions into a box. It is estimated that 
the presents amounted in value to $8,000 or $10,000. 

In consequence of the Hale Naua scandal scarcely any white 
ladies were seen at this reception. In the evening the Palace 
was illuminated with electric lights, and a torchlight parade 
of the Fire Department took place, followed by fireworks at 
the Palace, 

On the 20th, the public were amused by a so-called his- 
torical procession, consisting chiefly of canoes and boats carried 
on drays, containing natives in ancient costume, personating 
warriors and fishermen, mermaids draped with sea moss, hula 
dancers, etc., which passed through the streets to the Palace. 
Here the notorious Hale Naua or "Kilokilo" society had mus- 
tered, wearing yellow malos and pans or aprons over their 
clothes, and marched around the Palace, over which the yellow 
flag of their order was flying. 

On the 23d a luau or native feast was served in an exten- 
sive lanai or shed in the Palace grounds, where 1500 people 
are said to have been entertained. This was followed by a 
jubilee ball in the Palace on the 25th. The series of enter- 
tainments was closed by the exhibition of a set of "historical 
tableaux" of the olden time at the Opera House, concluding 
with a hulahula dance, which gave offense to most of the 
audience. No programme was published this time of the night- 
ly hulahulas performed at the Palace. 


In pursuance of the policy announced in Gibson's famous 
protest to the other great powers, and in order to advance 
Hawaii's claim to the "primacy of the Pacific," Hon. J. E. 
Bush was commissioned on the 23d of December, 1886, as 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the King 
of Samoa and the King of Tonga, and High Commissioner to 


the other independent chiefs and peoples of Polynesia. He 
was accompanied hy Mr. H. Poor, as Secretary of Legation, 
and J. D. Strong, as artist and collector for the Government 
museum. They arrived at Apia, January 3d, 1887, and were 
cordially received by King Malietoa on the 7th, when they 
drank kava with him and presented him with the Grand Cross 
of the Order of Oceania. Afterwards, at a more private in- 
terview, Bush intimated to Malietoa that he might expect a 
salary of $5,000 or $6,000 under a Hawaiian protectorate. A 
house was huilt for the Legation at the expense of the Ha- 
waiian Government. 

A convention was concluded February 17th, between King 
Malietoa and the Hawaiian Envoy, by which both parties bound 
themselves "to enter into a political confederation," which 
was duly ratified by Kalakaua and Gibson, "subject to the 
existing treaty obligations of Samoa," March 20th, 1887. 

"The signature was celebrated," says Robert Louis Stevenson, 
"in the new house of the Hawaiian Embassy with some 
original ceremonies. Malietoa came attended by his ministers, 
several hundred chiefs ( Bush says 60 ), two guards and six 
policemen. Laupepa (Malietoa), always decent, withdrew at 
an early hour ; by those that remained all decency appears 
to have been forgotten, and day found the house carpeted with 
slumbering grandees, who had to be roused, doctored with 
coffee and sent home. * * * Laupepa remarked to one 
of the Embassy, 'If you come here to teach my people to drink, 
[ wish you had stayed away.' " The rebuke was without effect, 

for still worse stories are told of the drunken orgies that 
afterwards disgraced the Hawaiian Embassy. 


. About this time Mr. J. T. Arundel, an Englishman, engaged 
in the copra trade, visited Honolulu in his steamer, the K.r- 
plorer, a vessel of 170 tons, which had been employed in ply- 
ing between his trading stations. The King who was impatient 
to start his new navy, to maintain " Hawaiian primacy," had 
put the Reformatory School under the charge of Captain G. 
E. Jackson, a retired navigating lieutenant in the British navy, 
with the view of turning that institution into a naval train- 
ing school. The old K.rjilm-cr was purchased for $20.000, and 
renamed the Kaimilon. She was then altered and fitted out 
as a man-of-war at an expense of about $50,000, put into 
commission March 28th, and placed under the command of 
Captain Jackson. The crew was mainly composed of boys 
from the Reformatory School, whose conduct, as well as that 
of their officers, was disgraceful in the extreme. 

The Knimiloa sailed for Samoa, May 18th, 1887. On the pre- 
ceding evening a drunken row had taken place on board, for 
which three of the officers were summarily dismissed. The 
after history of the expedition was in keeping with its begin- 
ning. As Stevenson relates: "The Kaimilon was from the 
first a scene of disaster and dilapidation, the stores were sold ; 
the crew revolted ; for a great part of a night she was in the 


hands of mutineers, and the Secretary lay bound upon the 

On one occasion the Knimiloa was employed to carry the. 
Hawaiian Embassy to Atua, for a conference with Mataafa, 
who had remained neutral, but she was followed and watched 
by the German corvette Adler. " Mataafa was no sooner set 
down with the Embassy than he was summoned and ordered 
on board by two German officers." 

Another well-laid plan to detach the rebel leader, Tamasese, 
from his German " protectors " was foiled by the vigilance of 
Captain Brandeis. At length Bismarck himself was incensed, 
and caused a warning to be sent from Washington to Gibson, 
in consequence of which Minister Bush was recalled July 7th, 
1887. Mr. Poor was instructed to dispose of the Legation prop- 
erty as soon as possible, and to send home the attaches, the 
Government curios, etc., by the Kaimilon, which arrived in 
Honolulu, September 23d. She was promptly dismantled, and 
afterwards sold at auction, bringing the paltry sum of $"2,800. 
Her new owners found her a failure as an inter-island steamer, 
and she is now laid up in the " naval row." 


The facts of this case were stated in the affidavit of Aki, 
published May 31st, 1887, and those of Wong Leong, J. S. 
Walker and Nahora Hipa, published June 28th, 1887, as well 
as in the decision of Judge Preston in the case of Loo Ngawk 

et at., executors of the will of T. Aki vs. A. J. Cartwright ei 
al., trustees of the King (Haw. Rep., Vol. vii., p 401). 

I have already spoken of the opium license law, which was 
carried by the royalist party in the Legislature of 1886, and 
signed by the King in spite of the vigorous protests from all 
classes of the community. As this law had been saddled with 
amendments, which rendered it nearly unworkable, a set of reg- 
ulations was published October 15th, 188fi, providing for the 
issue of permits to purchase or use opium by the Marshal, 
who was to retain half the fee and the Government the other 

The main facts of the case, as proved before the court, are 
as follows : Early in November, 1886, one, Junius Kaae, a 
palace parasite, informed a Chinese rice-planter named Tong 
Kee, alias Aki, that he could have the opium license granted 
to him if he would pay the sum of $60,000 to the King's 
private purse, but that he must be in haste because other parties 
were bidding for the privilege. With some difficulty Aki raised 
the money, and secretly paid it to Kaae and the King in three 
instalments between December 3d and December 8th, 1888. Soon 
afterwards Kaae called on Aki and informed him that one, 
Kwong Sam Kee, had offered the King $75,000 for the license, 
and would certainly get it, unless Aki paid $15,000 more. 
Accordingly Aki borrowed the amount and gave it to the King 
personally on the llth. 

Shortly after this another Chinese syndicate, headed by 
Chung Lung, paid the King $80,000 for the same object, but 


took the precaution to secure the license before handing over 
the money. Thereupon Aki, finding that he had lost both his 
money and his license, divulged the whole affair, which was 
published in the Honolulu papers. He stopped the payment 
of a note at the bank for $4,000, making his loss $71,000. 
Meanwhile Junius Kaae was appointed to the responsible office 
of Registrar of Conveyances, which had become vacant by 
the death of the lamented Thomas Brown. 

As was afterwards ascertained, the King had ordered a 
$100,000 gunboat from England, through Mr. G. W. Macfarlane, 
but the negotiations for it were broken off by the revolu- 

On the 12th of April, 1887, Queen Kapiolani and the Princess 
Liliuokalani, accompanied by Messrs. C. P. laukea, J. H. Boyd, 
and J. O. Dominis, left for England to attend the celebration 
of the jubilee held upon the fiftieth anniversary of the acces- 
sion of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. They returned on the 
26th of July, 1887. 


The exposure of the two opium bribes and the appointment 
of the King's accomplice in the crime as Registrar of Convey- 
ances helped to bring matters to a crisis, and united nearly 
all tax-payers not merely against the King but against the 
system of government under which such iniquities could be 

In the spring of 1887, a secret league had been formed in 
Honolulu, with branches on the other islands, for the purpose 
of putting an end to the prevailing misrule and extravagance, 
and of establishing a civilized government, responsible to the 
people through their representatives. Arms were imported, 
and rifle clubs sprang up all over the islands. In Honolulu 
a volunteer organization, known as the " Rifles," wag increased 
in numbers, and brought to a high state of efficiency under 
the command of Col. V. V. Ashford. It is supposed that the 
league now numbered from 800 to 1,000 men, while its objects 
had the sympathy of the great majority of the community. 
It was at first expected that monarchy would then be abolished, 
and a republican constitution was drawn up. 

As the time for action approached, the resident citizens of 
the United Slates, Great Britain and Germany addressed 
memorials to their respective governments, through their repre- 
sentatives, declaring the condition of affahs to be intolerable. 
As is the case in all such movements, the league was com- 
posed of average men, actuated by a variety of motives, but 
all agreed in their main object. Fortunately, the "spoils wing" 
of the party failed eventually to capture either branch of the 
Government, upon which a number of them joined the old 
Gibsonian party and became bitter enemies of reform. . 

Some members of the league, including Col. Ashford, were 
in favor of a sudden attack upon the Palace, but this advice 
was overruled, and it was decided to first hold a public mass 
meeting, to state their grievances, and to present specific de- 



mands to the King. Accordingly, on the afternoon of the 30th 
of June, 1887, all business in Honolulu was suspended, and 
an immense meeting was held in the armory, on Beretania 
street, composed of all classes, creeds, and nationalities, but 
united in sentiment as never before or since. The meeting 
was guarded by a battalion of the Rifles fully armed. A set 
of resolutions was passed unanimously, declaring that the Gov- 
ernment had " ceased through incompetency and corruption 
to perform the functions and to afford the protection to per- 
sonal and property rights for which all governments exist," 
and demanding of the King the dismissal of his cabinet, the 
restitution of the $71,000 received as a bribe from Aki, the 
dismissal of Junius Kaae from the land office, and a pledge 
that the King would no longer interfere in politics. 

A committee of thirteen was sent to wait on His Majesty 
with these demands. His troops had mostly deserted him, 
and the native populace seemed quite indifferent to his fate. 
He called in the representatives of the United States, Grent 
Britain, Prance, and Portugal, to whom he offered to trans- 
fer his powers as King. This they refused, but advised him to 
lose no time in forming a new cabinet and signing a new con- 
stitution. Accordingly he sent a written reply the next day, 
which virtually conceded every point demanded. The new 
cabinet, consisting of Godfrey Brown, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs ; L. A. Thurston, Minister of the Interior ; W. L. Green, 
Minister of Finance ; and C. \V. Ashford, Attorney-General, 
was sworn in on the same day, July 1st, 1887. 


As the King had yielded, the republican constitution was 
dropped, .and the constitution of 1864 revised in such a way 
as to secure two principal objects, viz., to put an end to auto- 
cratic rule by making the Ministers responsible only to the 
people through the Legislature and to widen the suffrage by 
extending it to foreigners, who till then had been practically 
debarred from naturalization. I have given the details in 
another paper. 

Mr. Gibson was arrested July 1st, but was allowed to leave 
on the 5th by a sailing vessel for San Francisco. Threats of 
lynching had been made by some young hot heads, but for- 
tunately no acts of violence or revenge tarnished the revolu- 
tion of 1887. 

An election for members of the Legislature was ordered to 
he held September 12th, and regulations were issued by the new 
ministry, which did away with many abuses, and secured the 
fairest election that had been held in the islands for twenty 
years. The result was an overwhelming victory for the Re- 
form^party, which was a virtual ratification of the new con- 
stitution. During the next three years, in spite of the bitter 
hostility and intrigues of the King, the continual agitation by 
demagogues, and repeated conspiracies, the country prospered 
under the most efficient administration that it had ever 



It has been seen that on the 30th of June, 1887, Kalakaua 
promised in writing that he would "cause restitution to be 
made" of the $71,000 which he had obtained from Aki, under 
a promise that he ( Aki ) should receive the license to sell 
opium, as provided by the Act of 1886. 

The Reform cabinet urged the King to settle this claim 
before the meeting of the Legislature, and it was arranged 
that the revenues from the Crown lands should be appropriated 
to that object. When, however, they ascertained that his debts 
amounted to more than (250,000 they advised the King to 
make an assignment in trust for the payment of all claims 
p'-o rata. Accordingly, a trust deed was executed November 
21, 1887, assigning all the Crown land revenues and most of 
the King's private estate to three trustees for the said pur- 
pose, on condition that the complainant would bring no peti- 
tion or bills before the Legislature, then in session. 

Some three months later these trustees refused to approve 
or pay the Aki claim, on which Aki's executors brought suit 
against them in the Supreme Court. 

After a full hearing of the evidence, Judge Preston dojided 
that the plea of the defendants that the transaction 1(iKveen 
Aki and the King was illegal could not be entertained, as by 
the constitution the King "could do no wrong," and "could not 
be sued or held to account in any court of the Kingdom.'' 
Futhermore, as the claimants had agreed to forbear present- 

ing their claim before the Legislature in consideration of the 
execution of the trust deed, the full court ordered their claim 
to V>3 paid pro rut a with the other approved claims. 



The preceding narrative ended with the revolution of 1887, 
which was intended to put an end to personal rule in the Ha- 
waiian Islands, by making the ministry responsible to the 
people through the legislature, by taking the power of appoint- 
ing the Upper House out of the hands of the Sovereign, and by 
making office-holders ineligible to the legislature. 

The remaining three years and a half of Kalakaua'.s reign 
teemed with intrigues and conspiracies to restore autocratic rule. 
The Reform party, as has been stated, gained an overwhelming 
majority of seats in the legislature of 1887, and had full control 
of the government until the legislative session of 1890. 

During the special session, held in November, 1887, a contest 
arose between the King and the legislature in regard to the veto 
power, which at one time threatened the public peace. The 
question whether under the new constitution the King could 

NOTE:- The statement furnished Col. Rlouut cmls with tin- prrrrdiuir Cliapti-r. 
The story will now be continued to tne end of the yetir 1898 





exercise a personal veto against the advice of his ministers or 
not, was finally decided by the Supreme Court in favor of the 
Crown. Judge Dole dissenting. 

During the succeeding session of 1888 the King vetoed a num- 
ber of bills, which were all passed over his veto, by a two-thirds 
vote, with the exception of a bill to subsidize an experimental 
coffee plantation. 


The King's sister, the then Princess Liliuokalani, on her 
return from England, had charged her brother with coward- 
ice, for signing the constitution of 1887, and was known to 
be in favor of the old system of irresponsible personal gov- 
ernment. For instruments she had not far to seek. Two of 
the Hawaiian youths whom Moreno had placed in military 
school in Italy, as before stated, had been recalled towards 
the end of 1887. 

They had been led to expect high positions from the Gibson 
government, and their disappointment was extreme, when 
their claims were ignored. Hence they were easily induced 
to lead a conspiracy, which had for its object the abrogation 
of the constitution of 1887, and the restoration of the old 

They endeavored to form a secret league, and held meetings 
to inflame the native mind, but without much success at 

It is said that the Household Troops were won over, and 
that the three chief conspirators, on one occasion, detained 
the King in one of the tower rooms in the Palace, and tried 
to intimidate him into signing his abdication in favor of his 

The King parleyed with them to gain time, and the affair 
soon came to the ears of the ministry, who had the conspira- 
tors examined, one by one, and their statements taken down. 
A mass of evidence was collected, which, however, was not 
used against them ; and the leader, Mr. R. W. Wilcox, was 
allowed to go to California; where he remained about a year, 
biding his time. 

Meanwhile, a secret organization was being formed through- 
out the islands, and after some progress had been made, Mr. 
Wilcox was sent for. He returned to Honolulu in April, 1889, 
formed a rifle club, and began to make preparations for a 
counter revolution. 

The meetings of the league were held in a house belonging 
to the Princess Liliuokalani. At the subsequent trial it was 
proved by the defense that the King had latterly come to an 
understanding with the conspirators, whose object was to re- 
store autocratic rule. 

Before light, on the morning of July 80th, 1889, Mr. Wilcox 
with about one hundred and fifty armed followers marched 
from the Princess Liliuokalani's residence in Kapalama and 
occupied the Government buildings and the palace grounds. 
No declaration of any kind was made, as they expected the 


King, who had spent the night at a cottage near the seaside, 
to come up and proclaim the old constitution of 1804. The 
Household troops in the barracks remained neutral, and the 
palace was held against the insurgents by Lieut. Robert Parker, 
with thirty men by the King's orders. The King, who did 
not fully trust the conspirators, retired to his boat-house in 
the harbor to await results. Meanwhile the volunteer rifle- 
men promptly turned out, and many other citizens took up 
arms for the Government. Patrols were set about day-light, 
and a cordon formed later on, bo that the insurgents were 
isolated from the populace outside. At the request of the 
United States Minister, Mr. Merrill, a body of marines was 
landed and marched up to the Legation, on the hotel prem- 
ises, where they remained during the day. The insurgents 
brought over four field-pieces and ammunition from the bar- 
racks, and placed them around the palace. 

The Ministry drew up a written summons to them to sur- 
render, which was served on them at the front palace gate, 
by the Hon. S. M. Damo^ but they refused to receive it. A 
conflict immediately commenced between them with three of 
their field -pieces and the Government sharpshooters, who had 
occupied the Opera House and some other buildings com- 
manding the palace grounds. The result was that their guns 
were soon silenced, and they were driven with loss into a 
wooden building in the palace grounds, called the " Bungalow," 
where they were besieged during the afternoon. Towards 
night a heavy rifle fire was opened upon them from all sides, 

and the roof of the "Bungalow" burst in by giant- powder 
bombs, which forced them to surrender. 

Unfortunately, this was by no means a bloodless affair, as 
seven of NVilcox's deluded followers were killed and about a 
dozen wounded. It was afterwards learned that 10,000 rounds 
of ammunition had been loaned by the U. S. S. Adams 
during the day to the Hawaiian Government. 

The chief conspirators were afterwards put on trial for 
treason, with the result that Loomens, a Belgian artillery- 
man, was found guilty and sentenced to imprisonment for 
life, while Mr. R. W. Wilcox was acquitted by a native jury, 
on the theory that what he had done was by and with the 
King's consent. He now became a popular idol, and had 
unbounded influence over the Honolulu natives for a time. 
The Princess Liliuokalani, however, disowned him, and denied 
all knowledge of the conspiracy. This deplorable affair was 
made the most of by demagogues to intensify race hatred. 
The license allowed the native press was almost incredible. 


A project of a new commercial treaty with the United States 
was drawn up in the fall of 1889 by the Ministry in con- 
junction with Hon. H. A. P. Carter. Its terms provided for 
complete free trade between the two countries, the perpetual 
cession of Pearl Harbor to the United States, and a guarantee 
of the independence of the Kingdom by that power. In con- 


The Company was incorporated 
under a franchise from the Hawaiian 
Government, and are prepared to 
furnish electricity for lighting or 
power, in any quantity. 



sideration of this guarantee, the Hawaiian Government was 
to bind itself to make no treaty witli any foreign power 
without the knowledge of the Government of the United 

By working on the King's suspicions, Mr. C. W. Ashford, 
the Attorney-General, induced the King to refuse to sign the 
preliminary draft of this treaty. The other members of the 
Cabinet invited him to resign, which he declined to do. 

The question having been brought before the Supreme Court, 
it decided that the King under the Constitution was bound 
by the advice of a majority of his Cabinet. But the Attorney- 
General advised the King that this was only an ex parte decision, 
and encouraged him to defy the court. A copy of the pro^ 
posed treaty, (including an article which had been rejected by 
the Cabinet, and which would have authorized the landing 
of United States troops in certain emergencies), was secretly 
furnished by the King to a native newspaper for publication, 
and the party cry was raised that the ministry was "selling 
the country" to the United States. 


On account of the circumstances mentioned above, and of 
dissensions in the Reform party, the combined elements in 
opposition elected a majority of the Legislature of 1890, and 
on the 13th of June, 1890, the Reform ministry went out of 
office on a close vote. 

As the parties were so nearly balanced, a compromise cabinet, 
composed of conservative men, was appointed June 17th, viz., 
Hons. John A. Cummins, Minister of Foreign Affairs; C. N. 
Spencer, Minister of the Interior ; Godfrey Brown, Minister of 
Finance ; A. P. Peterson, Attorney-General. 

The King at first tried to revive his old project of a ten- 
million loan bill for military and naval purposes, but met 
with no encouragement. He then published a pamphlet en- 
titled '' A Third Warning Voice," in which he urged the 
establishment of a large standing arm} 7 . 

Another project advocated by the reactionary papers and 
favored by the King, was that of calling a revolutionary con- 
vention, to be elected by the voters of the lower house, to 
frame a new constitution, in which the foreign element should 
be excluded from political power. With considerable diffi- 
culty, and by the exercise of much patience and tact, this 
dangerous measure was defeated, and certain constitutional 
amendments were passed through the preliminary stage. The 
most important of these was one lowering the property quali- 
fication required of electors for nobles. After a stormy session 
of five months, the Legislature adjourned Nov. 14th, 1890, 
without undoing the reforms made in 1887. 


In order to recruit his failing health, the King visited 
California in the United States cruiser Charleston, as the 


guest of Admiral Brown, in November, 1890. He received the 
utmost kindness and hospitality, both in San Francisco and 
in Southern California. His strength, however, continued to 
fail in spite of the best medical attendance, and on the 20th 
of January, 1891, he breathed his last at the Palace Hotel 
in San Francisco. His remains were removed to the Charleston 
with impressive funeral ceremonies, and arrived at Honolulu 
January 29th, where the decorations for his welcome were 
changed into the emblems of mourning. 

In spite of his grave faults as a ruler and as a man, he 
had l>een uniformly kind and courteous in private life, and 
there was sincere grief in Honolulu, when the news of his 
death arrived. 

Serious apprehensions were now felt by many in view of 
the accession of his sister, Liliuokalani, which, however, were 
partially relieved by her promptly taking the oath, to main- 
tain the constitution of 1887. Notwithstanding her despotic 
ideal of government, and her past record, there were not a 
few who hoped that she had enough good sense to under- 
stand her true interests, and to keep her oath to the con- 
stitution. They were destined to be disappointed. On the 
morning of her accession, Mr. S. M. Damon had an inter- 
view with her, in which he remarked that what was needed 
was a responsible ministry. " My ministry," she replied, "shall 
be responsible to me," and abruptly closed the interview. She had 
no sooner taken the oath, than a constitutional question was 
raised between her and the existing cabinet. On the one side, 

the cabinet claimed that under the constitution no power 
could remove them but the Legislature. On her side it was 
claimed that they were the late King's cabinet, and " died with 
the King." This dispute was referred to the Supreme Court, 
which decided in favor of the Queen, Judge McCully dis- 
senting. This gave her an opportunity to exact conditions 
from the incoming ministers, and thus to secure control of 
the patronage of the Government. 

The new cabinet appointed February 2(>th, 1891, consisted 
of Hons. S. Parker, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; C. N. Spencer, 
reappointed Minister of the Interior ; H. A. Widemann, min- 
ister of Finance ; and W. ' A. Whiting, Attorney-General, 
The first condition exacted by the Queen of her appointees 
was that Mr. C. B. Wilson should be appointed Marshal 
of the Kingdom, with control of the entire police force of the 
islands. It was universally believed that he exercised as 
much influence on the administration of public affairs as any 
member of the cabinet. At the same time, grave charges were 
made against the administration of his own bureau. The 
Marshal's office was said to be the resort of disreputable 
characters, while opium joints and gambling dens multiplied 
and flourished. The Marshal openly associated with such 
adventurers as Capt. Whaley, of the famous smuggling yacht 
Halcyon, and the Australian fugitives from justice, who visited 
Honolulu in the yacht Beagle. 

To put an end to this state of things, and to other evils 
growing out of personal government, was one of the chief 






objects, both of members of the Reform party and of the 
so-called Liberals in the elections of 1892. The death of 
Gov. J. 0. Dominic, Aug. 27th, 1891, was a misfortune to the 
Kingdom, as his influence had always been exerted in favor 
of constitutional government. 


In the spring of 1892, a secret league was formed, headed 
by Col. V. V. Ashford, B. W. Wilcox, J. E. Bush and others, 
for the purpose, as they claimed, of "promoting justice and equal 
rights in the political government of Hawaii." Their objects 
included the removal of all property qualifications for election 
of either house, the abolition of monarchy, and ultimate union 
with, the United States. These measures were then advocated 
in a newspaper published by J. E. Bush, who afterwards be- 
came a royalist. It is stated that this league, about May 1st, 
numbered over three hundred "members, mostly natives and 
half-whites. There is good reason to believe that at the same 
time the Queen's party was preparing to promulgate a des- 
potic constitutioii similar to that which she afterwards at- 
tempted to proclaim Jan. 14th, 1893. At first they endeavored 
to make use of the equal rights league, both parties being 
opposed for different reasons, to the Reform constitution. 
Their overtures, however, having been finally rejected, the 
marshal proceeded on the 20th of May to arrest the principal 
members of the league for treason and conspiracy. The result 

of the subsequent trials was that all were finally discharged, 
but the weakness of the league was exposed, and its leaders 
lost much of their prestige. This revolutionary movement 
had not been favored by the better class of citizens, who 
considered it uncalled for, and who had no confidence in its 
leaders, most of whom are now extreme royalists. Their 
dream seems to have been one of an unlimited democracy in 
which they should hold the offices. 


For the purpose of this sketch it is not worth while to 
give the details of the eight-months' Legislative session of 
1892. L)uring the greater part of the session the leaders of 
the liberal party combined with the reform party, (which 
lacked a few votes of a majority), to break the power of the 
palace party, allied as it was, with the powerful opium and 
lottery rings. Three cabinets in succession were voted out, 
because they were considered to represent these latter elements, 
and to be in favor of retaining the marshal. 

The lottery bill was introduced into the Legislature Aug. 
30, 1892. A secret canvass had previously been made before 
any discussion of the measure had taken place, and many 
unthinkingly signed petitions in its favor, who afterwards 
regretted the act. As soon as the bill was printed, a power- 
ful opposition sprang up against it, and it was shelved, as 
was supposed, forever. 


A bill providing for a Constitutional convention had been 
killed 'early in the session. After a struggle of four months 
the Queen temporarily yielded, and appointed a cabinet com- 
posed of conservative men of high character, who possessed 
the confidence of the country ; viz., Hons. Geo. Wilcox, Min- 
ister of the Interior ; Mark Robinson, Minister of Foreign 
Affairs ; P. C. Jones, Minister of Finance ; and Cecil Brown, 
Attorney-General. This cabinet distinctly declared its policy 
in regard to the lottery bill, as well as to "fiat" paper money 
and other subjects, but did not to act on the "burn- 
ing question" 6f the marshalship while the Legislature was in 
session. Its course on this point, and the fact that the 
liberal party was not represented in it, so exasperated the 
leaders of that party that they joined hands with the lot- 
tery ring and voted for measures which they had previously 
denounced on the floor of the house. Near the end of the 
session, in the absence of six of its opponents, the lottery 
bill was suddenly brought up, rushed through and passed, 
to the surprise and horror of the community, undoubtedly 
by lavish bribery, only one white man voting for it. By 
the same voters an opium license bill was passed, and the 
Wilcox ministry was voted out January 12th, two days before 
the close of the session. 

The Queen, by whose personal exertions the last measure 
had been carried, immediately appointed a new cabinet, three 
of whom had been members of former rejected cabinets, the 
fourth being the reputed agent of the lottery ring in pur- 

chasing Legislative votes. The liberal party leaders were 
ignored. The cabinet now consisted of Hons. S. Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs ; W. Cornwell, Minister of Finance ; 
Arthur P. Peterson, Attorney-General ; and John Colburn, 
Minister of the Interior. The lottery and opium license bills 
were signed without further delay. 

The public indignation was intense, but no revolutionary 
action was yet thought of. The attempted coup d'etat, which 
was sprung upon the country the next day, took the com- 
munity by surprise, and found it entirely unprepared. There 
is reason, however, to believe that the plot had been deeply 
laid long before, t^ be executed at the close of the Legislative 

From Liliuokalani's own published statement to Col. Blount, 
it appears that she drafted a new Constitution in the early 
part of the year 1892, and in the following October placed 
it for revision in the hands of A. P. Peterson, who kept it 
for a month. A week before the close of the session, she 
asked him to draft a preamble for it. She had also received 
assurances of support from Messrs. Parker and Cornwell. 

The lottery was_ expe'cted by the Queen to be a source of 
revenue, which would render her less dependent on loans. 
It was also expected that the lottery company, being out- 
lawed in the United States, could be relied upon to oppose any 
movement looking towards annexation. 

The passage of that bill, the removal of an upright minis- 
try, and the unsuccessful coup d'etat of the 14th of January, 






were evidently all parts of one plan to destroy honest con- to ascertain exactly what took place, or to arrange the de- 
stitutional Government in Hawaii. tails in their proper order. 

The story of the revolution which followed will form the 
subject of a separate paper. WARNINGS. 

Although the community in general was entirely in the 
dark as to the intention of the Queen to proclaim a new 
Constitution, a few persons had received intimations of the 

From the Queen's written statement, fully corroborated by 
other evidence, it is certain that all the members of her last 
Cabinet had accepted office with the understanding that they 
should sign her new Constitution and assist in its promul- 
gation. Mr. C. B. Wilson, who was the Marshal, has stated 
that she discussed the project with him on the 8th of Jan- 
uary, and again on the 13th, in connection with the appoint- 
ment of the new Cabinet, and that on both occasions he op- 
posed it, denying " its suitability and feasibility at the time." 
On the 10th Mr. Marcus Colburn sent a warning to the 
Wilcox- Jones Ministry, through Mr. Henry Waterhouse, stat- 
ing that the Queen intended to promulgate a new Constitu- 
i tion, and that in case she was not able to get the Wilcox 
Ministry voted out, her plan was, after the prorogation of 
the Legislature, to invite the four Ministers over to the pal- 
ace and to lay before them the new Constitution which she 
had prepared, and that if they refused to sign it, they were 
to be made prisoners. 





The closing acts of the Legislature of 1892, narrated in 
the last chapter had been entirely unexpected by the com- 
munity of Honolulu. The general feeling of indignation was 
intense, but there was no thought of any revolutionary ac- 
tion, or of any opposition to the existing Government except 
within the limits of the Constitution. 

The U. S. cruiser Boston, Captain Wiltse, had sailed for 
Hilo, with the U. S. Minister, J. L. Stevens, as a passenger, 
on the fourth of January, 18';;3, and was absent from Hono- 
lulu ten days. Having left the city in apparent tranquillity, 
Minister Stevens returned about 10 o'clock on the morning 
of the fourteenth, to find himself unexpectedly in the midst 
of a revolution. 

The events of that day occurred in such rapid succession, 
attended by such intense excitement, that it is difficult now 


An unsigned letter, written the next day, undoubtedly by 
John Colburn, and addressed to Mr. P. C. Jones, contains 
the following passage: "If you don't get out of office, and 
a new Constitution is shoved on this country by the Queen, you 
four men and your hypocritical supporters will be to blame 
for it, etc." 

At a caucus of the Queen's party, held on Friday night, 
the l?>th, one of the members, John Kaluna by name, said 
that if he could establish the new Constitution, he would die ' 
happy, provided he could kill a few white men before dying. 

Between 10 and 11 o'clock A. M. of the 14th, Mr. John Col- 
burn called at the office of Mr. A. S. Hartwell, informed 
him that the Queen was determined to proclaim a new 
Constitution that very afternoon, and asked his advice. At 
his request Mr. Hartwell called in Messrs. L. A. Thurston 
and \V. O. Smith, who strongly advised him and his col- 
leagues to see the Queen immediately, and tell her that the 
Constitution must not be promulgated, and that if she per- 
sisted in her design, it would be the death-warrant of the 
Monarchy ; to refuse to countersign the new Constitution, 
and to decline to resign if their resignations should be de- 
manded ; if the Queen persisted in her attempt, to declare 
her to be in revolution against the Government, and to call 
upon the people for support against her; assuring them of 
the united support of the community if this course were followed. 
Mr. Colburn then hurried back to see the Queen, but failed 
to see her before the ceremony of prorogation. 


At the same time Mr. W. 0. Smith called at the Chamber 
of Commerce, (which had met to consider a memorial on 
the lottery bill), and informed the merchants present of the 
impending crisis. The facts were also communicated to Cap- 
tain Wiltse, of the Boston, who simply said that he was here 
for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of Amer- 
ican citizens, and that he would do it if called upon. Mr. 
Hartwell promptly laid the matter before Minister Stevens, 
who had just landed from the Boston. At his suggestion, 
Minister Stevens sought the co-operation of the British Com- 
missioner, Major Wodehouse, and they two went together to 
the Foreign Office to seek an interview with the Queen. 
They were, however, too late, the ceremony of prorogation 
having already commenced. 


The ceremony of proroguing the Legislature took place at 
noon with the usual pomp and display. The members op- 
posed to the lottery had absented themselves, as did nearly 
all the white residents and most of the Diplomatic Corps, 
but the U. S. Consul-General and Lieutenant Young, of the 
lioxiott, were present. A native political society called the 
"Hui Kalaiaina," about forty in number, attended, wearing broad- 
cloth suits, with tall hats, and badges, and carrying banners. 
Immediately after the prorogation, they marched across the 
street to the Palace, two and two, headed by their president, 




Alapai and one John Akina, who " carried a large flat package 
in front of his breast, suspended by ribbons from his shoulders. 
This was the Constitution." It had been previously arranged 
by the Queen that they should bring the Constitution which 
she had prepared, and go through the form of asking her to 
proclaim it. The members of the Legislature, the Diplomatic 
Corps, and other officials were invited over to the Palace to 
lend eclat to the intended Coup. 


As soon as the Queen had left the Government building to 
return to the Palace, the four Ministers, at the request of 
the Diplomatic Corps, held an interview with them in the 
Foreign Office. Major Wodehouse asked them whether it was 
true that the Queen intended to promulgate a new constitu- 
tion that afternoon, to which Mr. Parker replied that ''it 
was a fact. He had not seen the Constitution, but the 
Queen had requested them to come over and sign it." Major 
Wodehouse then inquired what course the Cabinet would 
take, on which they all assured him they would not consent 
to sign the new Constitution. Major Wodehouse emphati- 
cally said that the Queen must not promulgate a new Con- 
stitution, and that if she had any such idea she must aban- 
don it. In the course of the conversation Mr. Stevens in- 
quired whether the Queen had signed the lottery bill. On 
Mr. Parker's replying in the affirmative, he asked again 

whether the Cabinet had advised her to sign it. Mr. Peter- 
son explained that the Queen considered that the bill hav- 
ing passed the Legislature, ehe ought to sign it, as she h;id 
no reason for vetoing it, and that the Cabinet agreed with 
her. Mr. Stevens is reported to have "pounded his' cane 
upon the floor," and to have exclaimed that the passage of 
that bill was a direct attack upon the United States. This 
alleged remark was made a serious grievance of by the Cab- 
inet. The meeting then broke up and the Cabinet went di- 
rectly to the Palace, while Mr. Stevens and Major Wode- 
house returned home. 


In the meantime a large concourse of Hawaiians had ;is- 
sembled around the Palace gates, and in the grounds near 
the front entrance of the building, while the household troops 
were drawn up in line from the front steps of the Palace to 
the west gate, under arms, with their belts 'full of cartridges. 
In the throne-room the "Hui Kalaiaina" were drawn up in 
regular lines, and their president, Alapai, had an address to 
deliver, which he held open in his hand. Besides these, most 
of the native members of the Legislature, Chief-Justice Judd 
with Justice Hickerton, some members of the Diplomatic Corps 
and other officials were stationed as for a State ceremony. 

Meanwhile a memorable scene was taking place in the 
blue room, to which the Cabinet had been summoned by the 


Queen. On their tardy arrival, she at once placed before 
them a copy of her new Constitution, demanded their signa- 
tures, and declared her intention to promulgate it at once. 
According to his own account, Mr. Parker said, " Your Majesty, 
we have not read that Constitution, but before we read it 
you must know that this is a revolutionary act. It cannot be 
done." An angry discussion followed. The Cabinet spoke of 
the meeting just held with the foreign representatives, of the 
danger of an uprising, etc. She told them that " she would 
not have undertaken such a step if they had not encouraged 
her." She said " they had led her to the brink of a preci- 
pice, and now were leaving her to take the leap alone." She 
also said, " Why not give the people this Constitution and I 
will bear the brunt of all the blame afterwards." Mr. Peter- 
son said, " We have not read this Constitution," on which 
she exclaimed, " How dare you say that, when you have had 
it in your possession for a month?" She then invited them 
to resign, which they declined to do. She went on to 
threaten the Cabinet that unless they acceded to her wishes 
she would go upon the steps of the Palace and tell the ex- 
cited mob that she wished to give them a new Constitution, 
but that her Ministers were inside, hindering her from doing 
so. These Ministers well remembered the Court House riot 
of 1874, and the fate of the unlucky representatives who then 
fell into the hands of the mob. Before her threat could be 
put into execution, three of the Ministers escaped from the 
Palace by different exits, and repaired to their offices in the 

Government building. Mr. Parker alone remained with the 
Queen, fearing that if left lone, she might sign the Con- 
stitution herself, proclaim it from the Palace balcony, com- 
plaining that her Cabinet and judges would not comply with 
her wishes, and tell the people to look out for them. Mean- 
while Marshal Wilson told the Chief-Justice in great emotion 
that he had been fighting the battle alone all the morning, 
and that the Queen was determined to carry out her design. 


About 1:30 p. M. Mr. J. F. Colburn came to Mr. W. 0. 
Smith's office in great excitement, and requested him to 
come at once to the Attorney-General's office, in the Gov- 
ernment Building, which he did. Messrs. Thurston, Wun- 
denberg, and E. C. Macfarlane were already there, and other 
leading residents came in afterward. After Mr. Colburn had 
related the occurrence in the Blue Room, Mr. Thurston spoke 
emphatically, exhorting the Ministers to stand firm, and by 
no means to resign, and his views were supported by all 
who were present. Presently John Richardson, in the uni- 
form of an officer of the Queen's staff, came over with a 
message from the Queen, requesting the three Ministers to 
return to the palace. They were advised, however, not to 
go, as they constituted a majority of the executive branch of 
the Government and might have to assume a grave respon- 
sibility to prevent the overthrow of the existing Constitution. 


Besides, Mr. Colburn declared that their lives would be in 
danger if they wer>t back to the Palace Accordingly they 
sent back by Mr. Richardson a message to Mr. Parker to 
come over at once to the Attorney-General's office, which he 
did, and the whole situation was again discussed. 

In reply to their request for advice, Mr. Thurston pro- 
posed to them that they should declare the Queen to be in 
revolution and the throne vacant, and with their consent 
drew up a form of proclamation to that effect, which he says 
was approved of by two of them. He also advised, that as 
they did not know but that the Queen might take immedi- 
ate forcible action against them, they should sign a letter 
asking the support of the American Minister, and deliver it 
to some third party, not to be used unless circumstances 
rendered it necessary. The Ministers approved of the sug- 
gestion, and he immediately drafted the following letter : 


Gentlemen : On behalf of the Hawaiian Cabinet, you are 
hereby informed that certain persons, without authority of 
law, have prepared and caused to be promulgated a docu- 
ment purporting to be a new Constitution, subversive of the 
rights of the people, and contrary to the law and Constitution of 
the land. That such illegal action is taken in the name of 
Her Majesty Liliuokalani, and is proposed to be supported by 

force. That the Cabinet maintain that such action is revo- 
lutionary and treasonable, and they hereby request the as- 
sistance of the United States troops to maintain order and 
sxipport the Government." 

Mr. Colburn states that he did not sign this letter, but 
gave it over to Mr. Peterson. 

Messrs. Thurston and Smith then left the building to go 
down town, but were overtaken at Richards street by a mes- 
senger from the Cabinet, requesting Mr. Thurston to return, 
which he did. He was then asked by the Cabinet " to ascer- 
tain what support they could expect from citizens, and in 
their behalf to call for armed volunteers to resist the Queen." 
He immediately went to Mr. W. 0. Smith's office, where he 
drafted a declaration stating what the Queen was attempt- 
ing to do, and pledging the armed support of the signers to 
the Cabinet against the Queen, after which he proceeded, 
with the help of others,' to comply with their request. This 
document was signed by over eighty persons, including Mr. 
Paul Neumann, within an hour. 

Leading citizens of all parties crowded into Mr. W. 0. 
Smith's office and discussed the course to be pursued. 

"There was but one mind among all those gathered to- 
gether. An unanimity of sentiment prevailed such as has 
not been witnessed here for years, and it was agreed, without 
a dissenting voice, that it was the duty of every good citizen, 
without distinction of party, to support the law and the lib- 


erties of the people, and to resist the usurpation of the assembled in the Throne Room were patiently waiting to 


Unfortunately this paper, as well as the minutes ' of the 
meeting held that afternoon, have been lost. Mr. Smith then 
returned to the Government building to inform the Cabinet 
of the sentiment of the people. 

Meanwhile Mr. Hassinger had been sent around to the 
Diplomatic representatives, requesting them to meet the Cab- 
inet again in the Foreign office. They came without delay, 
and were in consultation with them for perhaps half an hour. 
According to Mr. Colburn, they strongly advised the Cabinet 
to return to the Palace and tell the Queen that she must 
abandon her project at once. 

At length, about 2:30 p. M., the four Ministers revisited 
the Palace, not without fear that they might be put under 
arrest, even if they suffered no bodily harm. 

Just after they had left the Government building they met 
Mr. W. 0. Smith, who delivered to them his message con- 
cerning the feeling of the citizens down town. 


The second conference in the Blue Room was a stormy 
and protracted one. For hours the result trembled in the 
balance. The Queen could not wholly renounce her cher- 
ished scheme, but finally consented with bitter reluctance to 
a temporary postponement of it. All this time the company 

hear the Queen's decision, while in front of the Government 
building a crowd of spectators stood watching the Palace 
with intense anxiety. Revolution seemed imminent. 

At length about 4 p. M. the Queen returned to the Throne 
Room, fresh from her contest with the Cabinet, with anger 
and defiance in her looks and bearing, but controlling her- 
self by a supreme effort of will. Ascending the dais, she 
made an address in Hawaiian, of which the following is a 
fair translation : 


I have listened to the thousands of voices of my people 
that have come to me, and 1 am prepared to grant their re- 
quest. The present Constitution is full of defects, as the 
Chief-Justice here will testify, as questions regarding it have 
so often come before him for settlement. It is so faulty that 
I think a new one should be granted. I have prepared one 
in which the rights of all have been regarded a Constitu- 
tion suited to the wishes of the people. I was ready and ex- 
pected to proclaim the new Constitution to-day, as a suitable 
occasion for it, and thus satisfy the wishes of my dear peo- 
ple. But, with ' deep regret, I say that I have met with 
obstacles that prevent it. Return to your homes peaceably 
and quietly, and continue to look toward me, and 1 will 
look toward you. Keep me ever in your love. I am obliged 
to postpone the granting of the Constitution for a few days. 


I must confer with my Cabinet, and whert after you return 
home you may see it, receive it graciously. You have my 
love, and with sorrow I now dismiss you." 

Eepresentative White replied, thanking the Queen, and as- 
assuring her of the love of the people, and that they would 
wait patiently until their desires should be fulfilled, to 
which the Queen responded with thanks and left the Throne 

Representative Kaunamano then began in a loud voice an 
inflammatory harangue which was suppressed. He demanded 
the lives of the members of the Cabinet who had opposed 
the wishes of Her Majesty, and declared that he thirsted for 

A few moments later the Queen went out upon the upper 
balcony of the Palace and addressed the crowd, who were 
almost exclusively natives. She told them that on account 
of the perfidy of her Ministers she was unable to give them 
the Constitution which she had promised them, but that she 
would take the earliest opportunity of procuring it for them. 
The crowd then gave three cheers. 

The newspaper Ka Leo o ka Lahui, issued on the morning 
of the Kith, gave the text of this latter speech, of which the 
following is a literal translation : 

"0 ye people who love the chief, I hereby say to you that 
I am now ready to proclaim the new Constitution for my 
Kingdom, thinking that it would be successful ; but behold, 
obstacles have arisen. Therefore, I say unto you, loving peo- 

ple, go with good hope, and do not be disturbed or troubled 
in your minds, because within the next few days now com- 
ing I will proclaim the new Constitution. 

"The Executive officers of the law (the Cabinet), knew 
the errors in the new Constitution, but they said nothing. 
Therefore I hope that the thing which you, my people, so much 
desire, will be accomplished ; it is also my strong desire." 

Representative White then proceeded to the front steps of 
the Palace and began an address. He told the crowd that 
the Cabinet had betrayed them, and that instead of going 
home peaceably, they should go into the Palace and kill and 
bury them. Attempts were made to stop him which he re- 
sisted, saying he would never close his mouth until the new 
Constitution was granted. Finally he yielded to the expostu- 
lations of Col. Jas. H. Boyd and others, threw up his hands 
and said that he was " pau," done for the present. After 
this the audience dispersed and the Hui Kalaiaina filed out, 
appearing very much dejected. A few minutes later Messrs. 
Parker and Cornwell came over to the Government building 
together, looking as though they had passed through a very 
severe ordeal. As they entered the building they were com- 
plimented by several persons for the stand which they had 

Mr. Thurston, who stood by, however, said, " Must we 
continue to live in this way. with this peril hanging over 
our heads, uncertain whether we may not wake up any 
morning and find our liberties gone." Meanwhile a luau, or 


banquet had been prepared Sn the basement of the Palace, to 
which the Queen and about forty guests sat down. 


In a letter to Mr. S. M. Damon, dated January 31, 1893, 
the Queen declared that the original of her new Constitution 
and all the copies thereof had been destroyed. In Commis- 
sioner Blount's report (pp. 581-590), however, appears a doc- 
ument, certified to by Messrs. Parker, Peterson and Corn well, 
of her last Cabinet, as substantially identical with the one 
she presented to them on the 14th of January, 1893. Its 
correctness is confirmed by a draft now in the hands of the 
Government, pattly written by J. Nawahi, and endorsed on 
the outside in the Queen's handwriting. According to this 
document, the principal changes made in it from the Consti- 
tution of 1887, are the following : 

ARTICLE 42. "The Cabinet shall hold during the Queen's 
pleasure, or until removed by a vote of want of confidence 
passed by a majority of all the members of the Legislative 
assembly." This would restore to the Sovereign entire con- 
trol of the Cabinet, as prior to 1887, except during sessions 
of the Legislature. The word " elective" before " members of 
the Legislative Assembly" is left out because the Nobles were 
to be appointive. The two vital changes in this Article are both 
ignored by Mr. Blount. 

ARTICLE 56. "The Queen appoints the Nobles, who shall 

hold their appointments during life," instead of being elected by 
property-holders. This would give the Sovereign power to 
appoint one half of the Legislature, and to control that 
branch of the Government as before 1887. 

ARTICLE 62.- -"Only male subjects shall vote." This would 
disfranchise the whole body of American and European resi- 
dents, who had not become naturalized, and would give the 
native population entire control over the election of repre- 

ARTICLE 65. The term of appointment of the Justices of 
the Supreme Court was made six years instead of for life, 
and the provision that their "compensation shall not be di- 
minished during their continuance in office," was stricken out. 
Thus the independence of the Supreme Court, which had sur- 
vived all previous changes of Government, was to be destroyed. 

ARTICLE 78 of the Constitution of 1887, which declared 
that "Wherever by this Constitution any act is to be done 
or performed by the King or the Sovereign, it shall, unless 
otherwise expressed, mean that such act shall be done and 
performed by the Sovereign by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Cabinet," was stricken out, showing that the 
Queen intended thenceforth to govern as well as to reign. In 
fact, by this Constitution all power, practically unchecked, 
was to be given to the Crown executive, legislative and ju- 
dicial. Thus the Government was to be transformed from a 
Constitutional to an absolute Monarchy by the arbitrary fiat 
of the Queen. 



The informal concourse of citizens gathered at Mr. W. O. 
Smith's office awaited the result of the Cabinet's second 
meeting with the Queen. About 4:30 p. M. Messrs. Peterson 
and Col burn worked their way in with difficulty through the 
dense crowd. Mr. Colburn told the whole story of their 
struggle to prevent the Queen from proclaiming the new 
constitution that afternoon, and asked for the continued 
support of the community against her, because, he said, "She 
may do this at any time." Other speeches, brief and reso- 
lute, were made, and the meeting organized itself, Mr. H. E. 
Cooper being chosen chairman and W. O. Smith secretary. 
The feeling of uncertainty and alarm was" intense. \ No one 
could tell what would happen next, when the new constitution 
would be proclaimed, or whether martial law might not be 
declared at any moment, and the leading citizens be arrested 
before they could organize resistance. The meeting then 
proceeded to appoint a Committee of Public Safety of thir- 
teen members, after which the assembly dispersed. 

The Committee of Safety immediately held its first meet- 
ing with closed doors. ''Gentlemen," said one, "we are 
brought face to face with this question; what shall we do?" 
During the discussion which followed, / all were convinced 
that the Queen's act was revolutionary, \ that there existed 
a virtual interregnum, or absence of lawful government, and 

that in view of her utter disregard of the constitution and 
laws, it had become necessary for the intelligent part of the 
community to organize in defence of their rights and for the 
security of life and property. A sub-committee was at once 
appointed to ascertain what amount of arms and ammuni- 
tion was available, and to re-organize as soon as possible 
the four volunteer rifle companies which had been disbanded 
in 1890. 

In view of the imminence of the danger, and the absence 
of preparation for this sudden crisis, the questions were raised 
whether protection should be sought from the Government of 
the United States, and what the attitude of its representatives 
would be. Accordingly another sub-committee of three, con- 
sisting of Messrs. L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, and H. F. 
Glade, was appointed to wait upon the U. S. Minister, to 
ascertain from him what assistance, if any, could be expected 
from the U. S. cruiser Boston, and to report to the full 
Committee the next morning. It was then moved by 
iMr. L. A. Thurston "That preliminary steps be taken at 
once to form and declare a Provisional Government with a 
view to Annexation to the United States." '. The serious- 
ness of such a step was fully admitted by all but it 
was the unanimous opinion that some such action was neces- 
sary, and the Committee adjourned about 6 p. M., to meet 
the following (Sunday) morning at the residence of Mr. W. 
R. Castle. 




The above mentioned sub-committee called upon Mr. 
Stevens, the U. S. Minister, about 7 o'clock the same even- 
ing and, having explained the situation to him, inquired 
what the attitude of the U. S. forces would be. fHis reply 
was that "the United States troops on board of the Boston 
would be ready to land at any moment to prevent the de- 
struction of life or property of American citizens, and that 
as to the matter of establishing a Provisional Government, 
he, of course, would recognize the existing government, what- 
ever it might be.y 

Mr. Thurgton informed Mr. Stevens that the proposition of 
establishing a Provisional Government was under considera- 
tion, and in case it should be carried out, he asked Mr. 
Stevens what his attitude would be. Mr. Stevens replied 
that whatever government was established and actually in 
possession of the city, and that was a de facto government, 
proclaiming itself as a government, would necessarily have 
to be recognized. 


A number of leading citizens met at Mr. Thurston's house 
at 8 P. M. to discuss the situation and to make some plans 
for a Provisional Government, in case, the extreme measure 
of dethroning the Queen should finally be deemed necessary.' 
Among others, Messrs. W. R. Castle, A. S. Hartwell, S. B. 
Dole, C. L. Carter, W. 0. Smith,' and F. W. Wundenberg 
were present. 

Mr. Thurston reported the result of his interview with 
Minister Stevens. Under strong excitement it was arranp-<l 
that different persons present should commence drafting 
papers. Mr. Castle undertook to draft a preliminary histor- 
ical statement which would serve as a preamble. Mr. Thurs- 
ton was to work upon the subject of the form of a Pro- 
visional Government. Messrs. Hartwell and Dole were not 
yet prepared to take part in the movement. During the 
evening Mr. Wundenberg reported that he had not been able 
to find arms for more than sixty men. Soon after this a 
German organization, numbering about eighty, nick-named 
the " Drei Hundert," offered their services and their arms to 
the Committee, The meeting continued until a late hour. 

SUNDAY, JANUARY 15, 1893. 

The Marshal was fully informed of what was going on, Sunday was a day of preparation on both sides. Kurly 
but contented himself with closing the saloons at 9 P. M., on Sunday morning (6:30 A. M.), Mr. Thurston called upon 
and putting on an extra police force during the night. Messrs. Colburn and Peterson with a proposition from the 



Committee of Safety that the Cabinet should take the lead 
of the movement to depose the Queen and establish a Pro- 
visional Government/ He also renewed the proposal that 
the Cabinet should sign a request to Minister Stevens to have 
troops landed from the Boston in order to assist them in 
maintaining order. At their request he gave the names of 
the members of the Committee of Safety. They asked for 
twenty-four hours in which to consider the matter, to which 
Mr. Thupston replied that the Committee of Safety would 
not wait, but would proceed independently to carry out their 
programme if the Cabinet did not take the lead. 

After his departure they sent for Messrs. Parker and Corn- 
well and consulted with them. Later in the day, Marshal 
Wilson being alarmed by the reports brought in by his detec- 
tives from all quarters, requested the Cabinet to meet him at 
the Station House. After he had been informed of Mr. Thurs- 
ton's interview with Colburn and Peterson, he proposed to 
swear out warrants forthwith for the arrest of the Committee 
of Safety. To this Mr. Peterson objected, stating that their 
arrest might lead to a collision with the United States troops, 
who, he said, would be landed in any case. Marshal Wil- 
son, however, appears to have been quite willing to test the 
question as to whether they would interfere or not. It was 
then agreed that they should ascertain from Minister Stevens 
himself whether he would -assist the Committee of Safety 
with the forces on the Boston, and also seek advice from certain 
influential residents who were friendly to the Queen. The 

same forenoon (Sunday), the Queen held a meeting at the 
Palace, and charged the native pastors present to pray for 
her, as evil-minded foreigners were endeavoring to deprive 
her of her throne. It is evident also that during the day 
she became reconciled with her Ministers, at least for the 


The Committee of Thirteen met at W. R. Castle's residence 
at 9 A. M. and remained in session until noon. After re- 
ceiving reports from their committees, they decided to call a 
mass meeting of citizens to meet at 2 p. M. of the next day 
(Monday), at the old armory on Beretania street, in order to 
ascertain the real sentiments of the community. It was de- 
cided to make a report at that time, and then to ask the 
meeting to confirm the appointment of the Committee of 
Safety, and to give it full authority to take whatever steps 
might be necessary to secure the rights of the people from 
further aggression. If public opinion, as manifested at the 
mass meeting, should demand the abrogation of the Mon- 
archy, it would be necessary that the Committee should be 
fully prepared to car,ry out such demand. The work of 
organization and preparation was therefore actively continued. 
The general form which the Provisional Government should 
take was reported on by Mr. Thurston. (^A committee was 
appointed to prepare papers and secure speakers for the mass 


meeting, and the call for it was printed and posted that 
same (Sunday) afternoon. 


" A mass meeting of citizens will be held at the Beretania 
street armory on Monday, January 16, at 2 p. M., to consider 
the present critical situation. Let all business places be 

Honolulu, January 15, 1893." 

After the meeting adjourned, about 1 p. M., Messrs. Thurs- 
ton and Smith called again ut>on the American Minister and 
informed him of what was going on. While Mr. Stevens 
gave them assurance of his purpose to protect life and prop- 
erty, he emphasized the fact that he could not recognize any 
government until actually established. /He repeated the 
statement that the United States troops, if landed, would not 
take sides with either party, but would protect the property 
and lives of American citizens. 



About 1:30 p. M. of that Sunday, the Cabinet held a con- 
sultation in the Foreign Office with several gentlemen of con- 
servative character, viz.: Messrs. F. A. Schaefer, J. 0. Carter, 
S. M. Damon, W. M. Giffard, S. C. Allen and E. C. Mac- 

farlane, who had come at their request. Mr. Peterson in- 
formed them of the proposition made to himself and Col- 
burn that morning by Mr. Thurston. He asked whether it 
would be expedient for the Cabinet to apply to the U. S. 
Minister for assistance in maintaining the authority of the 
Queen's government. They inquired whether the Government 
was able to suppress any uprising, to which he replied that 
the Government had ample force to meet any emergency 
that might arise. If so, Mr. Carter advised the Cabinet by 
no means to request the landing of the United States troops. 
A remark by Mr. Damon gave rise to a discussion as to the 
possibility of their landing without such a request. The 
question was then asked whether the Queen had abandoned 
the idea of proclaiming a new Constitution, to which Mr. 
Parker replied in the affirmative. All were agreed that in 
that case the Queen and Cabinet should unite in issuing a 
proclamation giving the public satisfactory assurance on that 
point. In fact, Mr. Carter had already drafted a declaration 
to that effect. 

Notice was afterward sent to Messrs. Thurston and Smith 
that the Cabinet would 'like to meet a committee of five 
from' the Committee of Safety the next morning. 

The same evening, about 7:30 o'clock, Messrs. Parker and 
Peterson called upon Minister Stevens, to ascertain from him 
"what stand he would take in behalf of his Government, in 
the event of an armed insurrection against the Queen's gov- 


There is a conflict of testimony in regard to what passed, 
and nothing was put in writing at the time. It seems to 
be certain, however, that Mr. Stevens declined to promise 
assistance to the Queen in such an event. On the subject 
of landing troops, he appears to have uniformly maintained 
a diplomatic reserve. 

Later on, about 8:30 P. M., the Cabinet met again at the 
Attorney-General's office, Messrs. C. B. Wilson, Paul Neu- 
mann, E. C. Macfarlane, R. W. Wilcox, C. T. Gulick, Dr. 
Trousseau, A. Rosa, and others being present. Mr. Peterson 
related his interview with the U. S. Minister, and the sub- 
ject of the landing of United States troops was again dis- 

Marshal Wilson made a report on the available forces 
at the command of the Government, and proposed that 
martial law be proclaimed, and that the Committee of Safety 
be arrested at once, but Messrs. Neumann and Peterson both 
opposed such action on the ground that it might precipi- 
tate a conflict, which they should at all hazards avoid. It 
was then decided to call a counter mass meeting of loyal 
Hawaiians at Palace Square, to take place at the same 
time as the other, and a committee was appointed to draw 
up resolutions and prepare a programme for the occa- 

The same evening part of the Committee of Safety met at 
Mr. Thurston's house, where their work was further ar- 
ranged, and the different parts of it were assigned. 

MONDAY, JANUARY 16, 1893. 


On Monday morning about half-past eight, Mr. Parker 
took the declaration (which had been originally drafted by 
Mr. J. O. Carter), to the Queen aud persuaded her to sign 
it, but not without omissions and changes which greatly im- 
paired its effect. It was then signed by her Ministers and 
printed and circulated through the city about 11 A. M. It 
was as follows : 


Her Majesty's Ministers desire to express their appreciation 
for the quiet and order which has prevailed in this com- 
munity since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to 
say that the position is taken by Her Majesty in regard to 
the promulgation of a new Constitution, was under the stress 
of Her native subjects. 

Authority is given for the assurance that any changes de- 
sired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought 
only by methods provided in the Constitution itself. 

Her Majesty's Ministers request all citizens to accept the 


assurance of Her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is 



Minister of Foreign Affairs. 


Alinister of Finance. 

Minister of the Interior. 

Attorney- General. 
IOLANI PALACE, January 16th, 1893. 

This retraction, however, cam'e to late to save the Mon- 
archy. It was looked upon by many as a humiliating evi- 
dence of panic upon the part of the Queen's government. 
Her intrigues during Kalakaua's reign, and her course in re- 
gard to the lottery bill, had already destroyed all confidence 
in her word, while little reliance was placed on the integrity 
or firmness of her Cabinet. She has since then plainly shown 
that she never forgave her Ministers for their disobedience on 
the 14th ^of January, 1893, nor ever gave up the hope of 
realizing her ideal of government. 

The same morning she sent for S. M. Damon and asked 
his advice. He recommended that she should call in the 
diplomatic representatives of the great powers and consult 
with them without delay. 


The Committee of Safety met at 9 o'clock on Monday 
morning in Mr. Thurston's law office, over Bishop's bank. 
Soon afterward Marshal Wilson came into the office and 
called Mr. Thurston into an adjoining room for a private 
interview. Their conversation was substantially as fol- 
lows : 

Mr. Wilson said he wished the mass meeting to be stopped. 
Mr. Thurston replied " It can't be stopped ; it is too late." 
Mr. Wilson said that the Queen had abandoned her idea of 
promulgating a new 'Constitution, and that a proclamation to 
that effect was about to be issued. To this Mr, Thurston 
replied, "What guarantee have we that this will not happen 
again ? It is like living on a volcano ; there is no telling 
when it will break out." Mr. Wilson replied, ''I will guar- 
antee that she will not attempt it again, even if I have to 
lock her up to keep her from doing it." Thurston said, 
"Suppose you were to die to-night, what then ? We are not 
willing to accept that guarantee as sufficient. This thing 
has gone on from bad to worse until \ve are not going to 
stand it any longer. We mean to take no chances in the 
matter, but to settle it now, once for all." Mr. Wilson ex- 
pressed his regret that they could not agree on any compro- 
mise, and left the office. He immediately proceeded to enlist 
volunteers and special constables, and proposed to the Attor- 


ney-General to arrest the Committee of Safety at once, but 
was refused permission to do so. 

A sub-committee of five, consisting of Messrs. W. C. Wil- 
der, C. Bolte, F. W. McChesney, J. A. McCandless and H. 
Waterhouse, was sent about 10 A. M. to confer with the Cabi- 
net, at their request, in the Foreign Office. The Ministers 
showed them the proclamation signed by themselves and the 
Queen, promising that she would not renew her attempt to 
abrogate the Constitution, and claimed that this ought to be 
a final settlement of the controversy. The committee asked 
why the Ministry had called a mass meeting for 2 o'clock 
at Palace Square, to which Mr. Parker replied, "to draw the 
crowd away from your meeting." 

They then returned and reported to the Committee of Safety, 
which continued in session till noon, with many interruptions. 

The reports brought in by those who had been canvassing 
for volunteers, showed that no half-way measure, such as a 
Regency, would stand any chance of success. The general 
demand was for a Provisional Government, looking toward 
annexation to the United States as its ultimate goal. 

Although Mr. Thurston was ill, it was decided that he 
should open the mass meeting, and that Mr. W. C. Wilder 
should act as its chairman. 


Many warnings and threats of house burning and other 
outrages had been reported to the committee, and it was de- 

cided to request the U. S. Minister to cause troops to be 
landed for the protection of life and property. It was feared 
by many that during the expected conflict for the possession 
of the Government buildings, lawless outrages might be per- 
petrated in other quarters of the city. 

Accordingly, a request of the residents to Minister Stevens 
for the landing of United States troops which had been drawn 
up, was signed by the Committee of Safety. 

Certain unsuitable passages in it were stricken out, but 
inadvertently the last sentence, (which as coming from the 
Committee of Safety was inconsistent with the facts), was 
allowed to remain. 

A number of copies of the same were type-written and 
taken to the mass meeting to be circulated there for signa- 
tures, which plan, however, was not carried out. During the 
mass meeting the copy signed by the Committee was taken 
to Minister Stevens. It was as follows : 



Sir : We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Hono- 
lulu, respectfully represent that in view of recent public 
events in this Kingdom, culminating in the revolutionary 
acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public 


safety is menaced and lives and properly are in peril, and 
we appeal to you and the United States forces at your com- 
mand for assistance. 

The Queen, with the aid of armed force, and accompanied 
by threats of violence and bloodshed from those with whom 
she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new Constitution, 
and while prevented for the time from accomplishing her 
object, declared publicly that she would only defer her 

This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under 
circumstances which have created general alarm and terror. 

We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and there- 
fore pray for the protection of the United States forces. 
(Signed), HENRY E. COOPER, 




W. 0. SMITH, 


Citizens' Committee of Safety. 

( From " Two Weeks' of Hawaiian History.") 

At 2 p. M., Monday, January 16, the Honolulu Rifles' Arm- 
ory was the scene of the largest and most enthusiastic mass 
meeting ever held in Honolulu. It was called by the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety for the purpose of protesting against 
the revolutionary aggressions of the Queen. As the time ap- 
proached all business was suspended, shops were closed, and 
but one subject was talked of. At half-past one citizens be- 
gan to asi-emble, and before two o'clock the large building 
was crowded to its utmost capacity, 1260 being present by 
actual count, while many others came later. Every class in 
the community was fully represented, mechanics, merchants, 
professional men and artisans of every kind being present in 
full force. The meeting was intensely enthusiastic, being 
animated by a common purpose and feeling, and most of 
the speakers were applauded to the echo. Hon. W. C. Wilder, 
of the Committee of Safety, was the chairman. 

Mr. Wilder said : Fellow citizens, I have been requested 
to act as chairman of this meeting. Were it a common 
occurrence, 1 should consider it an honor, but to-day we are 
not here to do honor to anybody. I accept the chairmanship 
of this meeting as a duty. (Applause.) We meet here to- 
day as men not as any party, faction or creed, but as men 
who are bound to see good government. It is well known 


to you all what took place at the Palace last Saturday. I 
need not tell you the object of this meeting, and no such 
meeting has been held since 1887. There is the same reason 
now as then. An impromptu meeting of citizens was called 
Saturday to take measures for the public safety. The report 
of the committee will be read to you. We do not meet as 
revolutionists, but as peaceful citizens who have the right 
to meet and state their grievances. (Loud applause.) We 
will maintain our rights, and have the courage to maintain 
them. (Universal cheers.) 

Mr. Thurston being introduced by the chairman, read the 


To the Citizens of Honoluht : 

On the morning of last Saturday, the 14th instant, the 
city was startled by the information that Her Majesty Queen 
Liliuokalani had announced her intention to arbitrarily pro- 
mulgate a new Constitution, and that three of the newly- 
appointed Cabinet Ministers had resigned, or were about to 
resign, in consequence thereof. 

Immediately after the prorogation of the Legislature at 
noon the Queen, accompanied by her orders, by the Cabinet, 
retired to the Palace. The entire military force of the Gov- 
erment was drawn up in line in front of the building, and 

remained there until dark, and a crowd of several hundred 
native sympathizers with the new Constitution project gath- 
ered in the throne room and about the Palace. The Queen 
then retired with the Cabinet. : informed them that she in- 
tended to promulgate it, and proposed to do so then and 
there, and demanded that they countersign her signature. 

She turned a deaf ear to their statements and protests that 
the proposed action would inevitably cause the streets of 
Honolulu to run red with blood, and threatened that unless 
they complied with her demand, she would herself imme- 
diately go out upon the steps of the Palace and announce 
to the assembled crowd that the reason she did not give 
them the new Constitution was because the Ministers would 
not let her. Three of the Ministers, fearing mob violence, 
immediately withdrew and returned to the Government 
building. They were immediately summoned' back to the 
Palace but refused to go, on the ground that there was no 
guarantee of their personal safety. 

The only forces under the control of the Government are 
the Household Guards and the police. The former are nom- 
inally under the control of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
and actually under the control of their immediate com- 
mander, Major Nowlein, a personal adherent of the Queen. 

The police are under the control of Marshal Wilson, the 
open and avowed royal favorite. Although the Marshal is 
nominally under the control of the Attorney-General. Her 
Majesty recently announced in a public speech that she would 


not allow him to be removed. Although the Marshal now 
states that he is opposed to the Queen's proposition, he also 
states that if the final issue arises between the Queen and 
the Cabinet and people, he will support the Queen. 

The Cabinet was absolutely powerless and appealed to 
citizens for support. 

Later they reluctantly returned to the Palace, by request 
of the Queen, and for nearly two hours she again endeavored 
to force them to acquiesce in her desire, and upon their final 
refusal, announced in a public speech in the throne room, 
and again from the upper gallery of the Palace, that she 
desired to issue the Constitution but was prevented from 
doing so by her Ministers, and would issue it in a few days. 

The citizens responded to the appeal of the Cabinet to re- 
sist the revolutionary attempt of ths Queen, by gathering at 
the office of William O. Smith. 

Later in the afternoon it was felt that bloodshed and riot 
were imminent ; that the community could expect no pro- 
tection from the legal authorities ; that, on the contrary, 
they would undoubtedly be made the instruments of royal 
aggression. An impromptu meeting of citizens was held, 
which was attended by the Attorney-General, and which 
was addressed, among others, by the Minister of the Interior, 
J. F. Colburn, who stated to the meeting substantially the 
foregoing facts. 

The meeting unanimously passed a resolution that the 
public welfare required the appointment of a Committee of 

Public Safety, of thirteen, to consider the situation and de- 
vise ways and means for the maintenance of the public 
peace and the protection of life and property. 

Such a committee was forthwith appointed and has fol- 
lowed its instructions. 

The first step which the committee consider necessary is 
to secure openly, publicly and peaceably, through the me- 
dium of a mass meeting of citizens, a condemnation of the 
proceedings of the party of revolution and disorder, and a 
confirmation from such larger meeting of the authority now 
vested in the committee. 

For such purpose the committee hereby recommends the 
adoption of the following 


1. WHEREAS Her Majesty Lilinokalani, acting in con- 
junction with certain other persons, has illegally and uncon- 
stitutionally, and against the advice and consent of the 
lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to 
abrogate the existing Constitution and proclaim a new one 
in subversion of the rights of the people ; 

2. AND WHEREAS such attempt has been accompanied 
by threats of violence and bloodshed and a display of 
armed force; and such attempt and acts and threats are 
revolutionary and treasonable in character ; 

3. AND WHEREAS Her Majesty's Cabinet have informed 


her that such contemplated action was unlawful and would 
lead to bloodshed and riot, and have implored and de- 
manded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed 
action ; 

4. AND WHEREAS such advice has been in vain, and 
Her Majesty has in a public speech announced that she was 
desirous and ready to promulgate such Constitution, the 
same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only 
reason why it was not now promulgated was because she 
had met with unexpected obstacles and that a fitting oppor- 
tunity in the future must be awaited for the consumma- 
tion of such object, which would be within a few days ; 

5. AND WHEREAS at a public meeting of citizens held 
in Honolulu on the 14th day of January, instant, a Com- 
mittee of Thirteen, to be known as the 


was appointed to consider the situation and to devise ways 
and means for the maintenance of the public peace and 
safety and the preservation of life and property ; 

6. AND WHEREAS such Committee has recommended the 
calling of this mass meeting of citizens to protest against 
and condemn such action and has this day presented a 
report to this meeting denouncing the action of the Queen 
and her supporters as being unlawful, unwarranted ; in 
derogation of the rights of the people ; endangering the 

peace of the community, and tending to excite riot, and 
cause the loss of life and destruction of property ; 

Now, THEREFORE, WE, the Citizens of Honolulu of all 
nationalities and regardless of political party affiliations, do 
hereby condemn and denounce the action of the Queen and 
her supporters ; 

AND WE DO HEREBY ratify the appointment and endorse 
the action taken and report made by the said Committee 
of Safety and we do hereby further empower such com- 
mittee to further consider the situation and further devise 
such ways and means as may be necessary to secure the 
permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection 
of life, liberty and property in Hawaii. 

MR. THUHSTON said in substance: Mr. Chairman: Hawaii 
is a wonderful country. We are divided into parties and 
nationalities and factions, but there are moments when we 
are united and move shoulder to shoulder, moved by one 
common desire for the public good. Three times during 
the past twelve years this has happened in 1880, 1887 and 
to-day. They say it is ended, it is done, there is nothing to 
consider. Is it so? (Calls of No! No!) I say gentlemen, 
that now and here is the time to act. (Loud cheers.) The 
Queen says she won't do it again. (Cries of humbug!) 
Fellow citizens, have you any memories? Hasn't she once 
before promised sworn solemnly before Almighty God to 
maintain this Constitution ? What is her word worth? 
(Calls of Nothing! Nothing!) It is an old saying that a 


royal promise is made to be broken. Fellow citizens, re- 
member it. We have not sought this situation. Last Satur- 
day the sun rose on a peaceful and smiling city; to-day it 
is otherwise. Whose fault is it? Queen Liliuokalani's. It is 
not her fault that the streets have not run red with blood. 
She has printed a proclamation expressing her repentance 
for what she has done and at the same time perhaps sent 
out by the same carriers her organ prints an extra with 
her speech with bitterer language than that quoted in the 
Advertiser. She wants us to sleep on a slumbering volcano, 
which will some morning spew out fire and destroy us all. 
The Constitution gives us the right to assemble peacefully 
and express our grievances. We are here doing that to-day 
without arms. The man who has not the. spirit to rise after 
the menace to our liberties has no right to keep them. Has 
the tropic sun thinned our blood, or have we flowing in our 
veins the warm, rich blood which makes men love liberty 
and die for it ? I move the adoption of the resolution. 
(Tumultuous applause.) 

MK. H. F. GLADE : The Queen has done an unlawful 
thing in ignoring the constitution which she had sworn to 
uphold. We most decidedly protest against such revolu- 
tionary proceedings, and we should do all we possibly can 
to prevent her from repeating actions which result in dis- 
order and riot. We now have a promise from the Queen 
that such proceedings as we experienced on Saturday shall 
not occur again. But we should have such assurances and 

guarantees for this promise as will really satisfy us and 
convince us of the faith and earnestness of the promise 
given, of which we now have no assurance. What such 
guarantees and assurances ought to be I cannot at this 
moment say or recommend. This should be referred to the 
Committee of Safety for their careful consideration. I second 
the motion. 

MR. A. YOUNG, in addressing the meeting, spoke as fol- 
lows : Mr. Chairman and fellow citizens In June, 1887, I 
stood on this same platform and addressed an audience al- 
most as large as the one now before me. At that time we 
had met to consider a resolution that looked toward a new 
constitution, which proposed constitution was considered the 
most effectual method of removing some flagrant abuses in 
governmental affairs practiced by the King and his Cabinets 
prior ' to the time that the constitution was promulgated. 
To-day we have met to consider the action of Her Majesty 
in attempting to set aside the constitution we all worked so 
hard to have promulgated, in the' best interests of the sov- 
ereign and the people at large, as well as for the redemption 
of the credit of the kingdom abroad. It has long been 
reported that at some favorable opportunity the Queen would 
spring a new constitution upon the people and place mat- 
ters even more in the hands of the sovereign than they were 
before the revolution of 1887. Some did not believe the 
rumors, but the actions of the Queen in the last few days 
have convinced the most skeptical that the rumors were well 


founded, and that she had been pregnant with this unborn 
constitution for a long time, but it could not be born till 
under the propitious star. The Queen's kahunas, together 
with her would-be advisers had no doubt told her that the 
auspicious time for the advent had arrived. In trying to 
promulgate this long-promised constitution, the Queen has 
therefore premeditatedly committed a breach of faith with 
one portion of her subjects, in order to satisfy the clamors of 
a faction of natives urged by the influence of a mischievous 
element of foreigners who mean no good to the Queen or 
the people, but simply for the purpose of providing avenues 
for carrying out more perfectly the smuggling of opium and 
diverting the contents of the treasury into their own pockets. 
A " By Authority " circular has now been handed around 
setting forth that the Queen and her Cabinet had decided 
not to press the promulgation of a new Constitution, but 
can we depend on this promise of Her Majesty? Is this 
promise any more binding upon her thnn the oath she took 
before the Almighty God to support and maintain the pre- 
sent Constitution? Has not the Queen resorted to very 
questionable methods in an underhanded way to remove 
what, to the people, was one of the most acceptable Cabinets 
ever commissioned by any sovereign in this Kingdom, in 
order that four other Ministers might be appointed that 
would carry out her behest, treasonable, or otherwise, as 
might be most conveniently within their scope. I say, have 
ive any reasonable assurance that the Queen and her Min- 

isters have abandoned finally the new Constitution promul- 
gation scheme? (Roars of No! from the audience.) My 
fellow citizens, while the Queen and her Cabinet continue 
to trifle with and play fast and loose with the affairs of 
State, there can be no feeling of security for foreign families 
residing within these domains. There can be no business 
prosperity here at home, and our credit abroad must be of 
the flimsiest and most uncertain nature. And you business 
men who are toiling honestly for your bread and butter will 
have to put up with thin bread and much thinner butter if 
this farcical work is continued. In order that matters may 
be set to rights again and that honest, stable and honorable 
government may be maintained in Hawaii, I support the 
resolution and trust that it will be passed unanimously by 
this meeting. 

MR. C. BOLTE spoke in a simi- 
lar strain, and was followed by 

HON H. P. BALDWIN : I feel 
with the rest of you, that the 
actions of the Queen have put 
the country in a very critical 
situation. Before this revolution- 
ary act of Her Majesty, we were 
getting along. A Ministry had 
been appointed which would pro- 
bably have been able to pull us 
through. The McKinley bill had 



put the whole country into a critical situation. We were 
working up new industries. Mr. Dillingham is trying to 
build a railroad around this island. The Queen seems to 
have blinded herself to all these things. She has followed a 
whim of her own a whim of an irresponsible body of 
Hawaiians and tried to establish a new Constitution. We 
must stop this; but we must not go beyond Constitu- 
tional means. I favor the resolution, but think the com- 
mittee should act within the Constitution. There is no 
question that the Queen has done a revolutionary act 
there is no doubt about that. The Queen's proclamation 
has not mspired confidence; but shall we not teach her to 
act within the Constitution? (Loud calls of "No!") Well, 
gentlemen, I see that you do not agree with me, but I am 
ready to act when the time comes. 

J. EMMELUTH wished to say a few words on the situa- 
tion. He had heard the Queen's speech at the palace, and 
noted the expression of her face. It was fiendish. When 
the petitioners filed out he reflected on the fact that thirty 
men could paralyze the business of the community for 
twenty-four hours. It was not they that did it, but the 
schemers behind them, and perhaps a woman too. It was 
not the Hawaiians that wanted the new Constitution; not 
those who worked. This was the third time th t he had 
shut his doors, let his men go, and come up to this build- 
ing. It would be the last time. If we let this time go by 
we should deserve all we should get. An opportunity came 

once in every lifetime. It had come to us, and if we fin- 
ished as we should, a repetition of last Saturday would 
never occur in this country again. (Applause.) We must 
stand shoulder to shoulder. There vvas but one course to 
pursue, and we should all see it. The manifesto of this 
morning was bosh. "I won't do it any more; but give me 
a chance and I'll do it again." This is the real meaning 
of it. If the Queen had succeeded last Saturday, myself 
and you would have been robbed of the privileges without 
which no white man can live in this community. " Fear 
not, be not afraid," was written in my Bible by my mother 
twenty-five years ago. Gentlemen, I have done. As far as the 
Hawaiians are concerned, I have an aloha for them, and we 
wish to have laws enabling us to live peaceably together. 

R. J. GREENE spoke earnestly in like tone. The Chair- 
man then read the resolution. It was passed by a unani- 
mous standing vote, without a dissenting voice, amid tre- 
mendous cheers, after which the meeting broke up. 


The so-called "law and order meeting" of natives at 
Palace Square, which had been called by the Ministry for 2 
p. M., has been variously estimated all the way from 500 to 
3000. The writer estimated it at the time to be about half 
as large as the meeting at the Armory. It was a tame and 
dispirited meeting, the speakers being under strict orders to 




express themselves with great caution and moderation. 
Addresses were made by Messrs. A Rosa, J. E. Bush, J. 
Nawahi, W. White and R. W. Wilcox, who cautioned the 
natives against any violence or disorder, and supported the 
following resolutions which were adopted : 

" Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty, the Queen, 
contained in this day's proclamation is accepted by the 
people as a satisfactory guarantee that the Government does 
not and will not seek any modification of the Constitution 
by any other means than those provided in the organic law : 

Resolved, That accepting this assurance, the citizens here 
assembled will give their cordial support to the administra- 
tion and endorse them in sustaining that policy." 

Thus a meeting chiefly ' composed of the advocates of a 
new constitution, the leaders of which had conspired with 
the Queen to secure such constitution, voted an expression 
of thanks to her for renouncing her attempt to establish it. 

The tone of this meeting was constrained and unnatural, 
the only genuine enthusiasm being called out by expressions 
of sympathy with the attempted Coup d'etat of Saturday, 
the 14th. 

dorsed, and that they would have the support of nearly the 
whole white population in proceeding to establish a provisi- 
onal government. Their pla-n.s, however, were incomplete, and 
the new government not yet organized. Fearing that the 
landing of the U. S. troops would precipitate a conflict, be- 
fore their own forces were ready, they sent Messrs. Thurston 
and Smith to the U. S. Legation to request Mr. Stevens to 
postpone it. This request certainly implied that they expect- 
ed to fight their own battles. 

He replied that "as a precautionary measure, and to pro- 
tect the lives and property of American citizens, he had 
requested that the troops be landed at 5 o'clock and that 
they would land." After receiving their report the Com- 
mittee adjourned. Marshal Wilson expected a speedy attack 
from the forces of the Committee of Safety, and put the 
Station house in a state of defense. 

In view of the indications of approaching trouble, Minister 
Stevens had gone on board the Boston about 3 p. M. arid 
handed to Capt. Wiltse the following request: 



HONOLULU, January 16th, 1893. 

''SiR: In view of the existing critical circumstances in 

Immediately after the adjournment of the mass meeting Honolulu, indicating an inadequate force, I request you* to 
the Committee of Safety met again at W. 0. Smith's office, land marines and sailors from the ship under your command 
All the members felt that their course had been fully en- for the protection of the United States Legation and United 


States Consulate, and to secure the safety of American life 
and property. 

(Signed) JOHN L. STEVENS, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary of the United States. 


Commander of the U. S. S. Boston." 

Mr. Stevens, however, found that Capt. Wiltse had antici- 
pated his request, having his force already prepared for 
landing, and having written the following order, which was 
based upon the standing rules of the Navy and Secretary 
Bayard's instructions to Mr. Merrill in 1887, and which 
went further than Mr. Stevens' request ^y directing the 
force "to assist in preserving public order." 



U. S. Navy, Executive Officer of U. S. S. Boston. 

"SiR: You will take command of the battalion, and land 
in Honolulu, for the purpose of protecting our legation, con- 
sulate and the lives and property of American citizens, and 
to assist in preserving public order. 

"Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and 
men and no action taken that is not fully warranted by the 
condition of affairs, and by the conduct of those who may 
be inimical to the treaty rights of American citizens. 

''You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment 
of any change in the situation. 

Very respectfully, 

Captain U. S. Navy, commanding U. 8. S. Boston." 

He also learned that previous to the two mass meetings 
the U. S. Consul-General, Mr. H. W. Severance, had sent 
Capt. Wiltse a note, warning him that there was danger 
of an outbreak on shore, and offering to inform -him, if ne- 
cessary, either by telephone, or if the wires should be cut, 
by setting his flag at half-mast. 

Upon learning that the troops were not supplied with 
tents, Mr. Stevens undertook to secure some building for 
their accommodation, and left the ship about 4 p. M. 

At 5 P. M., Lieut. W. T. Swinburne landed at Brewer's 
wharf with a force of 162 officers and men, having one gat- 
ling gun and one 37 millimeter revolving gun, and 80 rounds 
of ammunition to each man. Half of the marines were left 
at the U. S. Consulate, under the command of Lieut. Draper, 
and the remainder sent to the U. S. Legation on Nuuami 
Avenue. Then the main body, comprising three companies 
of blue jackets, marched up King street past the Pahn-f 


where the royal salute was given, and after a long halt 
between Likelike and Punchbowl streets bivouacked in Mr. 
Atherton's grounds, awaiting further orders. 

Meanwhile Mr. Stevens sent a note to Mr. Giffard of the 
firm of Irwin & Co., asking for the temporary use of the 
Opera House, which was refused. On further inquiry he 
was told of the building in the rear of the Opera House, 
called Arion Hall, which he finally secured after applying 
for it, first to Mr. J. S. Walker, and then to Mr. Waller, 
the lessee. These circumstances go to show that the selection 
of this building was not premeditated, although it was unfor- 
tunate. The troops marched down after 9 P. M. and took up 
their quarters there for, the night. The knowledge of the 
fact that the U. S. troops were on shore undoubtedly served 
to repress disorder and gave the community a grateful sense 
of security. There was a band concert at the Hawaiian 
Hotel that evening which was well attended. During the 
night, however, two incendiary fires were started, one at 
Emma Square and the\Qther on the plains, which were 
promptly extinguished. 


responsibility. They afterwards sent him formal protests in 
writing, to which he replied that "In whatever the United 
States diplomatic and naval representatives have done or 
may do, at this critical hour of Hawaiian Affairs, we will 
be guided by the kindest views and feelings for all the 
parties concerned, and by the warmest sentiments for the 
Hawaiian people and persons of all nationalities." 

There is a diplomatic ambiguity in this language which 
was not reassuring. 

It appears from the statement by Dr. Trousseau, that the 
representatives of Great Britain, France and Portugal also 
made an informal call on Mr. Stevens early in the evening, 
to inquire of him why the troops had been landed. He is 
said to have replied in substance that great -alarm was felt 
by many of the residents, and that his object was to pre- 
serve lavv and order. No protest was filed by them. 

During the night Marshal Wilson urged the Attorney-Gen- 
eral to have martial law proclaimed the next morning, and 
showed him a proclamation to that effect, ready for signing. 
He also proposed to place an armed force in the Government 
building, but Mr. Peterson raised objections to both pros- 
posals, and nothing was done. 

Immediately after the landing of the U. S. troops, Mr. MEETING OP THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY MONDAY EVENING. 
Parker and Gov. Cleghorn called on Mr. Stevens and asked 

him why they had landed. He replied that the circum- The Committee of Safety met again at 8 P. M. at the resi- 
stances were such that he had felt compelled to take the derice of Mr. Henry Waterhouse. Three of the leading 


members were prevented by illness from attending, viz.: 
Messrs. W. R. Castle, L. A. Thurston and W. C. Wilder. 
Besides the Committee several well known citizens, viz.: 
Messrs. Alexander Young, J. H. Soper, Cecil Brown, H. P. 
Baldwin and F. W. Wundenburg were present. Judge Dole 
was chosen as President and Mr. C. Bolte was appointed to 
wait upon him and invite his attendance at the meeting. 
He came with reluctance, and at first declined the offer, 
stating that he was not yet onvinced that the time had 
come for so radical a step as the abrogation of monarchy. 
He admitted that the manifest destiny of the islands was 
annexation to the United States, arid that the Queen had 
forfeited the throne, but was not sure that a Regency, in 
the name of Kaiulani might not be the best solution of the 

At length he consented to take the matter under advise- 
ment, and to give his final answer at lO o'clock next morn- 
ing. A committee was appointed to make a list of names 
of suitable persons who would be willing to serve in an 
Executive Council of five and an Advisory Council of eight 
members. Mr. Soper was requested to take command of the 
military forces, to which he consented conditionally. The 
assertion that a committee was sent from this meeting 
to confer with Mr. Stevens has been fully proved to be 
false. Mr. Cecil Brown declined to serve in the P^xecutive 
Council, but afterwards joined the Advisory Council. A 
committee of three was appointed to procure additional 

arms and amunition, and the meeting adjourned near mid- 

Tuesday, January 17th, 1893, will ever be a memorable 
day in the history of the Hawaiian Islands. 


About 9 A. M. Mr. S. M. Damon called on the Queen and 
informed her that he had decided to join the party which 
had for its object the abrogation of monarchy and an- 
nexation to the United States. He advised her not to 
resist what was inevitable, but to submit, as resistance 
would only cause useless bloodshed. According to her 
own statement she asked him tp accept an jippointment 
to the Advisory Council, thinking that in that position 
he might be of service to her, from which it may 
fairly be inferred that she had already decided to sub- 


The Committee of Safety met at 10 A. M. in Mr. W. 0. 
Smith's oHice. It was voted that the number of members 
of the Advisory Council be increased from eight to thirteen, 
and the list of members decided upon. Meanwhile Mr. L. 
A. Thurston dictated the ^proclamation of the provisional 
government from a sick bed. Hon. S. B. Dole, having sent 

X * 

his resignation as Associate Justice of the Supreme Court 
to Mr. S. Parker, the then premier, came before the Com- 
mittee of Safety about 11 A. M., and announced that he 
would accept the position offered him, of president of the 
Executive Council. Reflection had convinced him that no 
half-way measure like a Regency would be practicable or 
satisfactory. Mr. S. M. Damon also came in for the first 
time. It was decided to charter the steamer Claudine for a 
trip to San Francisco. The Committee then took a recess 
until 1:30 p. M. 


Marshal Wilson, in his written statement, says, that be- 
fore 11 A.M. he was informed that the Committee of Safety 
"would move on the Government house at 3 P. M., and on 
the Police Station at 4 p. M., and that they would rendez- 
vous at the Armory on Beretania street." He s;iys that he 
sent for the Cabinet, "but there were no signs of the Cabi- 
net," till 2 p. M. If they had garrisoned and held the 
Government building, as the then legal government, the 
proximity of the United States troops would have merely 
served to strengthen their position against any attack by 
the revolutionists. It seems that Mr. C. J. McCarthy, 
(clerk of the legislature of 1892), had been placed by Mr. 
Wilson in charge of the building, but waited there in vain 
for a force that never came. Several thousand cartridges 

were afterwards found in the Foreign Office, probably in- 
tended for its defense. Mr. Wilson notified Capt. Nowlein 
to station part of his men in the basement of the palace, 
and massed his regular police and specials at the Station 
house. He is said to have sent the Queen a message at 11 
A. M. and again at 1 P. M., by no means to yield. 

As near as can be ascertained, the Queen had 65 soldiers 
at the barracks, and 110 regular police, besides a consider- 
able number of volunteers, of whom no register can be 
found. They had abundance of rifles, one Gatling gun and 
a battery of eight field pieces, but they lacked skill to use 
them as well as confidence in their cause, and above all, 
competent leaders. 

To judge from their conduct, the Queen's Cabinet were 
overawed by the unanimity and determination of the foreign 
community, and probably had an exaggerated idea of the 
force at the command of the Committee of Safety. They 
shrank from the responsibility of causing fruitless blood- 
shed, and sought a valid excuse for inaction, which they 
thought they found in the presence of the United States 
troops on shore, and in the well known sympathy of the 
American Minister with the opposition. 

At a meeting of the Cabinet held in the forenoon, it was 
decided to call a conference of the diplomatic corps at 1 i>. M. 
which was done. Mr. Stevens declined to attend, but 
the representatives of Great Britain, France, Portugal and 
Japan met with the Cabinet in the Foreign Office. Accord- 


ing to Mr. Parker, they advised the Cabinet "to make no 
resistance" to the coming revolution. 

About this time the following letter was sent to Minister 
Stevens : 

Sir .-The assurance conveyed by a royal proclamation by 
myself and Ministers yesterday, having been received by my 
native subjects and by them ratified at a mass meeting, was 
received in a different spirit by the meeting representing the 
foreign population and interests in my kingdom. It is now 
my desire to give your excellency, as the diplomatic repre- 
sentative of the United States of America at my court, the 
solemn assurance that the present constitution will be up- 
held by me and by my ministers, and no changes will be 
made except by the method therein provided. I desire to 
express to your excellency this assurance in the spirit of 
that friendship which has ever existed between my kingdom 
and that of the Government of the United States of America, 
and which I trust will long continue. 



Minister of Foreign Affairs; 


Minister of Finance; 


Minister of Interior; 



lolani Palace, Honolulu, Jan. 17, 1893. 


A little before 2 p. M. the whole Cabinet drove out to Mr. 
Stevens' residence, to ascertain whether he would afford any 
assistance to the Queen's government, in case it should be 
required. As Mr. Stevens was suffering from a severe at- 
tack of illness, he received only two of them in his private 
office, viz., Messrs. Parker and Peterson. The latter went 
into a leg;il argument to prove that they were the legal 
government, and as such could properly ask the aid of the 
United States naval forces to sustain the Queen. Mr. Ste- 
vens replied ''Gentlemen, these men were landed for one 
purpose only, a pacific purpose, and we cannot take part in 
any contest. I cannot use this force for sustaining the 
Queen or anybody else." The Cabinet then hastened to the 
Station house, where they remained during the rest of the 


The Committee of Safety met again at 2 p. M. At this 
meeting the Executive Counsel was reduced in number from 
five to four members, the offices of President and Minister 
of Foreign Affairs l>eing united in one person, while the 
Advisory Council was increased to fourteen members. The 
Committee of Safety signed the proclamation, and the Execu- 
tive Council signed the commission of John H. Soper, as 
commander of the forces. The papers were completed by 
2:30 P. M., and word was sent for the four volunteer com- 



panics to assemble at the armory and move from there on 
he Government building. 

Mr. C. L. Carter had previously gone to the Government 
ailding to see if there was a guard concealed there but 
mnd none. "There were but eight clerks in the building 
which ordinarily teemed with the Ministers, Judges and 
some forty or fifty officials and clerks." He also visited 
Arion Hall and asked Lieut. Swinburne to let him see his 
orders, to which he consented, saying, "You see my orders 
are to protect the Legation, the Consulate, and the lives 
ind property of American citizens, and to assist in preserv- 
ng order ; I do not know how to interpret that ; I can do 
it in but one way. If the Queen calls upon me to pre- 
serve order, I am going to do it." 

At 2 p. M. the members of the Executive and Advisory 
Councils together with Mr. H. E. Cooper, Chairman of the 
Committee of Safety, left Mr. W. 0. Smith's office, and 
proceeded on foot, most of them up Merchant street, and 
the rest up Queen street to the Government building. Just 
a.s they were starting, they saw and heard a pistol shot fired 
one block above, and people running from all directions to- 
wards that point. They hastened on, not without a keen sense 
of personal danger, but found their way entirely clear. 


lecting arms and ammunition from different stores. The 
loading of his wagon at E. 0. Hall & Son's had been 
watched by several policemen, detailed for the purpose. 

As the wagon was being driven out of the rear entrance 
on King street, a policeman snatched at the reins, and 
ordered a halt. As the driver kept on, he blew his whistle, 
and four or five more policemen came running up. A Fort 
street car had just crossed King street, and together with 
a passing dray, blocked the way for a few moments. As 
the wagon turned to go up Fort street, a struggle ensued, 
during which Mr. Good shot a policeman through the 
shoulder, on which the others fell back. The wagon 
was then driven at full speed up Fort street, pursued by 
two policemen in a hack, who were kept at a distance by 
rifles leveled at them irom the wagon. Mr. Good and his 
men continued on up Fort street to School street, and 
then down Punchbowl street to the Armory, where they 
were glad to see Capt. Ziegler's company drawn up in 
line. The wounded man, whose name was Leialoha, was 
assisted by another officer and Mr. P. M. Rooney to the 
Station house, where he was attended to by Dr. Peterson. 
He was afterwards taken to the hospital, and in time 
entirely recovered from his wound. 


That morning Mr. John Good had been appointed In the meantime the founders of the new government 
ordnance officer, and with three assistants had been col- had reached the Government building. All were unarmed. 


Only one of the volunteer riflemen had arrived, and none 
of the Queen's forces were in sight. The house was nearly 
"empty, swept and garnished." Lieut. Swinburne withdrew 
his men to the rear of Arion hall out of sight, to stack 
arms, and kept them at their company parades, except a 
single sentry pacing the lane in front. 

Mr. Cooper then made demand upon Mr. Hassinger, the 
chief clerk of the Interior office, for possession of the build- 
ing, and the demand was immediately complied with, there 
being no force with which any resistance could have been 
made. The Committee now proceeded to the public en- 
trance, and here Mr. H. E. Cooper - read to the gathering 
crowd the following proclamation : 


In its earlier history Hawaii possessed a Constitutional 
Government honestly and economically administered in the 
public interest. 

The Crown called to its assistance as advisers able, honest 
and conservative men whose integrity was unquestioned even 
by their political opponents. 

The stability of the Government was assured; armed re- 
sistance and revolution unthought of, popular rights were 
respected and the privileges of the subject from time to time 
increased and the prerogatives of the Sovereign diminished 
by the volunfary acts of the successive Kings. 

With very few exceptions this state of affairs continued 
until the expiration of the first few years of the reign of 
His late Majesty Kalakaua. At this time a change was 
discernible in the spirit animating the chief executive and 
in the influences surrounding the Throne. A steadily in- 
creasing disposition was manifested on the part of the 
King, to extend the Royal prerogatives ; to favor adven- 
turers and persons of no character or standing in the com- 
munity; to encroach upon the rights and privileges of the 
people by steadily increasing corruption of electors, and by 
means of the power and influence of office holders and 
other corrupt means to illegitimately influence the elec- 
tions, resulting in the final absolute control of not only the 
executive and legislative ; but to a certain extent the judi- 
cial departments of the government, in the interest of 

This finally resulted in the revulsion of feeling and popu- 
lar uprising of 1887, which wrested from the King a large 
portion of his ill-gotten powers. 

The leaders of this movement were not seeking personal 
aggrandisement, political power or the suppression of the 
native government. If this had been their object it could 
easily have been accomplished, for they had the absolute 
control of the situation. 

Their object was to secure responsible government through 
a representative Cabinet, supported by and responsible to the 
people's elected representatives. A clause to this effect was 


inserted in the Constitution and subsequently enacted by 
law by the Legislature, specifically covering the ground that, 
in all matters concerning the State the Sovereign was to act 
by and with the advice of the Cabinet and only by and 
with such advice. 

The King willingly agreed to such proposition, expressed 
regret for the past, and volunteered promises for the future. 

Almost from the date of such agreement and promises, up 
to the time of his death, the history of the Government has 
been a continual struggle between the King on the one 
hand and the Cabinet and the Legislature on the other, the 
former constantly endeavoring by every available form of 
influence and evasion to ignore his promises and agreements 
and regain his lost powers. 

This conflict upon several occasions came to a crisis, 
followed each time by submission on the part of His Majes- 
ty, by renewed expressions of regret and promises to abide 
by the constitutional and legal restrictions in the future. 
In each instance such promise was kept until a further 
opportunity presented itself, when the conflict was renewed 
in defiance and regardless of all previous pledges. 

Upon the accession of Her Majesty Liliuokalani, for a 'brief 
period the hope prevailed that a new policy would be adopt- 
ed. This hope was soon blasted by her immediately enter- 
ing into conflict with the existing Cabinet, who held office 
with the approval of a large majority of the Legislature, 
resulting in the triumph of the Queen and the removal of 

the Cabinet. The appointment of a new Cabinet subservient 
to her wishes and their continuance in office until a recent 
date gave no opportunity for further indication of the policy 
which would be pursued by Her Majesty until the opening 
of the Legislature in May of 1892. 

The recent history of that session has shown a stubborn 
determination on the part of Her Majesty to follow the tac- 
tics of her late brother, and in all possible ways to secure 
an extension of the royal prerogatives and an abridgment of 
popular rights. 

During the latter part of ihe session, the Legislature was 
replete with corruption ; bribery and other illegitimate influ- 
ences were openly utilized to secure the desired end, result- 
ing in the final complete overthrow of all opposition and the 
inauguration of a Cabinet arbitrarily selected by Her Majesty 
in complete defiance of constitutional principles and popular 

Notwithstanding such result the defeated 1 party peacefully 
submitted to the situation. 

Not content with her victory, Her Majesty proceeded on 
the last day of the session to arbitrarily arrogate to herself 
the right to promulgate a new Constitution, which proposed 
among other things to disfranchise over one-fourth of the 
voters and the owners of nine-tenths of the private property 
of the Kingdom, to abolish the elected upper House of the 
Legislature and to substitute in place thereof an appointive 
one to be appointed by the Sovereign. 


The detailed history of this attempt and of the succeeding 
events fn connection therewith is given in the report of the 
Committee of Public Safety to the citizens of Honolulu, and 
the resolution adopted at the mass meeting held on the 16th 
inst., the correctness of which report and the propriety of 
which resolution are hereby specifically affirmed. 

The constitutional evolution indicated has slowly and 
steadily, though reluctantly, and regretfully, convinced an 
overwhelming majority of the conservative and responsible 
members of the community that independent, constitutional, 
representative and responsible government, able to protect itself 
from revolutionary uprisings and royal aggression is no longer 
possible in Hawaii under the existing system of government. 

Five uprisings or conspiracies against the government have 
occurred within five years and seven months. It is firmly 
believed that the culminating < revolutionary attempt of last 
Saturday will, unless radical measures are taken, wreck our 
already damaged credit abroad and precipitate to final ruin 
our already overstrained financial condition ; and the guar- 
antees of protection to life, liberty and property will stead- 
ily decrease and the political situation rapidly grow worse. 

In this belief, and also in the firm belief that the action 
hereby taken is, and will be for the best personal, political 
and property interests of every citizen of the land. 

We, citizens and residents of the Hawaiian Islands, organ- 
ized and acting for the public safety and the common good, 
hereby proclaim as follows : 

1. The Hawaiian Monarchical system of Government is 
hereby abrogated. 

2. A Provisional Government for the control and manage- 
ment of public affairs and the protection of the public peace 
is hereby established, to exist until terms of union with the 
United States of America have been negotiated and agreed 

3. Such Provisional Government shall consist of an Exe- 
cutive Council of four members, who are hereby declared 
to be S. B. DOLE, 

J. A. KING, 


\V. O. SMITH, 

Who shall administer the Executive Departments of the 
Government, the first named acting as President and Chair- 
man of such Council and administering the Department of 
Foreign Affairs, and the others severally administering the 
Department of Interior, Finance and Attorney-General, re- 
spectively, in the order in which they are above enumerated, 
according to existing Hawaiian Law as far as may be con- 
sistent with this Proclamation ; and also of an Advisory 
Council which shall consist of fourteen members who are 
hereby declared to be 












Such Advisory Council shall also have general legislative 

Such Executive and Advisory Councils shall, acting joint- 
ly, have power to remove any member of either Council and 
to fill such or any other vacancy. 

4. All officers under the existing Government are hereby 
requested to continue to exercise their functions and perform 
the duties of their respective offices, with the exception of 
the following named persons : 

SAMUEL PARKER, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
W. H. CORNWELL, Minister of Finance, 
JOHN F. COLBURN, Minister of the Interior, 
ARTHUR P. PETERSON, Attorney- General, 
who are hereby removed from office. 

5. All Hawaiian Laws and Constitutional principles not 

inconsistent herewith shall continue in force until further 
order of the Executive and Advisory Councils. 

(Signed) HENRY. E. COOPER, Chairman; 




Committee of Safety. 
Honolulu, H. I., January 17th, 1893. 


While the proclamation was being read Mr. S. M. Damon 
asked Mr. C. L. Carter to go over and ask Lieut. Swinburne 
if he would send them a guard. Lieut. Swinburne replied : 
" Capt. Wiltse's orders are that I remain passive, or neutral." 
By the time that the reading was finished, (2:30 p. M.) 45 
men of Company A under Capt. Ziegler, arrived on the 


double quick, in company order. Directly after, Company 
B under Capt. Potter, began to arrive. The grounds were 
then cleared and guards set at the gates and by 3 o'clock 
there were nearly 100 riflemen drawn up, awaiting orders. 

An hour later it was estimated 
that there were about 200 volun- 
teer troops present. During the 
afternoon until dark, citizens were 
continually arriving and being en- 
rolled for service, and patrols were 
organized to guard the city and its 
suburbs during the night. At 
the same time a temporary mili- 
tary organization was formed with 
J. H. Soper at its head. He 
named as his aids George F. 
McLeod, D. B. Smith, John Good. 
Fred. Wundenberg and J. H. Fisher. Captains Hugh 
Gunn, George C. Potter, Charles Ziegler and J. M. Ca- 
mara, Jr., were placed in command of the different com- 

Pickets were then stationed all over the city to carry 
out the provisions of Martial Law which had been pro- 
claimed by the new government. 

After the reading of the proclamation, the new govern- 
ment at once took possession of the Treasury and all the 
departments. The following orders were issued : 

j. H. SOPEK. 

HONOLULU, H. I., Jan. 17th, 1893. 


ORDER No. 1. 

All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of 
the Hawaiian Islands are hereby requested to forthwith 
report to the Government at the Government building to 
furnish the Government such arms and ammunition as they 
may have in their possession or control as soon as possible, 
in order that efficient and complete protection to life and 
property and the public peace may immediately and effi- 
ciently be put into operation. 

ORDER No. 2. 

It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further orders 
the right of the writ of habeas corpus is hereby suspended 
and Martial Law is hereby declared to exist throughout 
the Island of Oahu. 

All liquor saloons were closed for a time. 


Soon after the reading of the Proclamation President Dole 
sent notes to all the Diplomatic and Consular representa- 


tives of other governments, informing them of what had 
been done, and asking for their recognition of the Provi- 
sional Government. Mr. Stevens sent down his aid, Mr. 
Pringle, before 4 p. M. to the Government building to as- 
certain whether the Provisional Government was actually 
in possession. 

- About the same time Major J. H. Wodehouse, the British 
Commissioner, with the British Vice-Consul, Mr. T. R. 
Walker, called upon President Dole, to verify the report of 
the occupation and to learn the object of the movement. 
After leaving the room he spoke of it as an oral recog- 
nition. His formal written recognition was received on 
the 20th. 

Mr. Fuji, the Japanese Consul-General, called a little 
later. About 4:30 p. M.. Capt. Wiltse and Lieut. Swinburne 
had an interview with President Dole in what had been 
the office of the Minister of the Interior. The situation was 
explained to them, and Capt. Wiltse was asked if he was 
prepared to recognize the new government. As Lieut. Swin- 
burne states : " In answer Capt. Wiltse asked if their Gov- 
ernment had possession of the Police Station and barracks. 
President Dole replied that they were not yet in possession 
of them, but expected to hear of it very soon. To this Capt. 
Wiltse replied : ' Very well, gentlemen, I cannot recognize 

then the late ministry' was announced, and he withdrew. 
Neither party suggested the idea of his assisting the Provi- 
sional Government. Nor had any recognition been received 
from Mr. Stevens. 

The volunteer troops also understood that the United 
States blue jackets were under orders to remain neutral, and 
they fully, expected to fight their own battles. 


Information of the proclamation of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment had been promptly brought to the Station House 
by Mr. McCarthy and others. Mr. Wilson proposed to at- 
tack the Provisional Government before it had time to col- 
lect its forces, but Mr. Peterson objected that this course 
would only lead to a conflict with the United States troops. 
Accordingly, the Cabinet decided, after consulting Messrs. 
E. C. Macfarlane, A. Rosa and others, to address a letter to 
Minister Stevens in order to find out whether he had recog- 
nized or would recognize the Provisional Government. The 
letter was dictated by Mr. Peterson, and was as follows : 

: \i 

ognize ^y 
ion of f 

"HONOLULU, Jan. 17th, 1893. 

To His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS, U. S. Envoy Extra- 
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. 

you as a de facto government until you have possession 

the Police Station or are fully prepared to guarantee pro-' Sir: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government having been 

tection to life and property,' or words to that effect." Just informed that certain persons to them unknown have issued 


a proclamation declaring a Provisional Government to exist 
in opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pre- 
tended to depose the Queen, Her Cabinet and Marshal, and 
that certain treasonable persons at present occupy the Gov- 
ernment building in Honolulu with an armed force, and 
pretending that your excellency, on behalf of the United 
States of America, has recognized such Provisional Govern- 
ment Her Majesty's Cabinet asks respectfully, has your 
excellency recognized said Provisional Government, and if 
not, Her Majesty's Government, under the above existing 
circumstances, respectfully requests the assistance of your 
government in preserving the peace of the country. 

We have the honor, 

to be your excellency's obedient servants, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs; 

Minister </ Finance; 

Minister of Interior; 


This letter was dispatched by Mr. C. L. Hopkins to Min- 
ister Stevens a little after 3 p. M. 

As Mr. Stevens was ill, his daughter asked Mr. Hopkins 
to wait or to call again in an hour and he chose to wait. 

Mr. Stevens' reply which was received at the Station house 
near 4 P. M., has never been given to the public, but the 
substance of it may be gathered from the following entry 
on the files of the U. S. Legation : 

HONOLULU, Jan. 17th, 1895. 

"About 4 to 5 P. M. of this date am not certain of the 
precise time the note on file from the four ministers of the 
deposed Queen, inquiring if I had recognized the Provisional 
Government, came to my hands while I was lying sick on 
the couch. Not far from 5 P. M. I did not think to look 
at my watch I addressed a short note to Hon. Samuel 
Parker, Hon. Wm. H. Cornwell, Hon. John F. Colburn and 
Hon. A. P. Peterson, (no longer regarding them as min- 
isters), informing them that I had recognized the Provi- 
sional Government. 

(Signed) JOHN L. STEVENS, 

U. S. Mini*!,,-. 

This reply from Mr. Stevens decided the Queen's Cabinet 
to resign, but it appears that his letter of recognition was 
not received by the Provisional Government till more than 
an hour later. 


After receiving the above note from Mr. Stevens, the 
Queen's Cabinet sent Mr. Mehrtens, the Deputy Marshal, 


to the Government building, to invite the Executive Council 
to come to the Police Station for a conference. This, the 
Council refused to do, but sent an assurance to the Queen's 
Ministers of their personal safety, if they would come up 
and talk over the situation. 

Accordingly, Messrs. Parker and Cornwell came up and 
held a brief conference. At their suggestion, Messrs. Damon 
and Bolte were deputed to accompany them back to the 
Police Station. On arriving there, a consultation was held 
in the deputy marshal's office, between Messrs. Damon and 
Bolte on one side and the Queen's Cabinet with Messrs. 
Neumann and E. C. Macfarlane on the other side, in regard 
to the surrender of the Station house and barracks. 

The two former told the Queen's representatives, that 
their cause was lost, and that they would be responsible 
for useless bloodshed, if they persisted in holding out. Mr. 
Wilson refused to surrender except on the written order of 
the Queen and her Cabinet. The latter proposed to sur- 
render under protest. Messrs. Bolte and Damon then re- 
turned (about 5 p. M.) in company with the four ministers, 
to the Government building, where they held a conference 
with the Executive Council in the Interior Office, Presi- 
dent Dole said that he would prefer to settle the matter 
without recourse to arms, and made a demand upon them 
to deliver up to him what government property remained 
in their possession. They asked for a truce till the next 
day, which was refused. They then said that before a final 

answer could be given, it would be necessary for them to 
consult with the Queen, and asked that Mr. Damon should 
assist them in explaining the situation to her. Their own 
influence with her had been much impaired since the affair 
of the 14th. 

About this time, not far from 5:30 p. M., Minister Stevens' 
recognition of the Provisional Government as the Govern- 
ment de facto, was brought in by Mr. Geo. H. Paris. It 
was as follows : 

"HONOLULU, H. I., Jan. 17, 1893. 

" A Provisional Government having been duly constituted 
in the place of the recent government of Queen Liliuokalani, 
and said Provisional Government being in full possession 
of the Government buildings, the archives and the treasury, 
and in control of the Capitol of the Hawaiian Islands, I 
hereby recognize said Provisional Government as the de facto 
Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

(Signed) JOHN L. STEVENS, 

U. S. Envoy Kxtraordinary and Afininter 

It should be observed in this connection that a recognition 
is a verv different thing from an alliance. Although this 
recognition of the 'Provisional Government as the de facto 
Government, gave it the moral support of the U. S. Minister, 


it gave no one any reason to expect that the U. S. naval Wilson to surrender the Station House, which he refused to 
forces would depart in the slightest degree from their atti- do. By this time the lamps had been lighted, and the Queen's 
tude of neutrality, nor did it preclude a trial of strength ^surrender was signed about 6:30 p. M. It is as follows : 

between the opposing parties. 

In the mean time Mr. Mehrtens had been sent to request 
the attendance of Mr. J. O. Carter, who arrived at the 
Council Chamber, (the former office of the Minister of 
Finance), a little before 6 P. M., when he learned that Mr. 
Stevens had just recognized the Provisional Government. 
He was then asked to accompany Mr. Damon to the Palace, the 
Queen's Cabinet having already gone over. No instructions 

"I Liliuokalani, by the Grace of God and under the Con- 
stitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly 
protest against any and all acts done against" myself and 
the Constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by 
certain persons claiming to have established a Provisional 
Government of and for this Kingdom. 

'' That ft yield to the superior force of the United States 
of America whose Minister Plenipotentiary, His Excellency 

or credentials were given them, and it does not appear that John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to be 

they were empowered to negotiate any terms of surrender. 

They found the Queen in the blue room in consultation 
with her four ministers, besides Messrs. Paul Neumann 

landed:at Honolulu and declared that he would support the 
Provisional Government. 
'vNow to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps 

E. C. Macfarlane, H. A. Widemann and others. Mr. Damon the loss of life, I do under this protest and impelled by 

at once informed her of the establishment of the Provisional 
Government and of her deposition as Sovereign, and added 
that she might prepare a protest if she wished to do so. 
Messrs. J. 0. Carter, Widemann and Neumann advised her 
to resign under protest, in the hope and expectation that 
her case would be considered at Washington. 

Mr. Widemann referred to the restoration of the flag 
in 1843 after a conditional cession to Great Britain, as a 
parallel case. At the Queen's request, Mr. Neumann pro- 
ceeded to draft a protest, which does credit to his shrewd- 
ness and foresight. Meanwhile an order was sent to Marshal 

said force yield my authority until such time as the Gov- 
ernment of the United States shall, upon the facts being 
presented to it, undo the action of its representative and 
reinstate" me in the authority which I claim as the Constitu- 
tional Sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.' 

"Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 


Minister of Foreign Affdir*. 
(Signed) WM. H. CORNWELL, 

Minister of Finance." 


Mr. Damon and the ex-ministers then returned to the 
Government Building with the Queen's protest, which was 
received by President Dole, and endorsed as follows : 

" Received from the hands of the late Cabinet, this 17th 
day of January. 1893. 

(Signed) SANKORD B. DOLE, 

Chairman of the Executive Council of the 
Provisional Government." 

Before endorsing it, he said to his colleagues, " here is a 
statement which they want to file, and I see no objection 
to acknowledging its receipt." 

It is now evident, however, that the acceptance of that 
protest without an express denial of the misleading allega- 
tion contained therein, was a grave political mistake. Little 
importance or significance was attached to it at the time 
by most people, but its consequences have been momentous 
and far reaching. If an unqualified surrender had been 
insisted upon at that time, even at the cost of a little 
bloodshed, it might have settled matters once for all on a 
solid basis. 

While the terms of the Queen's surrender were being dis- 
cussed at the Palace, President Dole wrote to Mr. Stevens, 
suggesting the co-operation of the United States troops with 
the citizen volunteers during the night in preserving order. 
The letter was as follows ; 


HONOLULU, January 17, 1893. 


Sir: I acknowledge the receipt of your valued communi- 
cation of this day, recognizing the Hawaiian Provisional 
Government, and express deep appreciation of the same. We 
have conferred with the Ministers of the late Government, 
and have made demand upon the Marshal to surrender the 
Station House. We are not actually in possession of the 
Station House, but as night is approaching and our forces 
may be insufficient to maintain order, we request the imme- 
diate support of the United States forces, and would request 
that the Commander of the United States forces take com- 
mand of our military forces so that they may act together 
for the protection of the city. 

Respectfully yours, 

Chairman of Executive Council. 

Endorsed as follows : 

The above request not complied with. 


This request met with a prompt refusal from Capt. Wiltse, 
which again illustrates the strict neutrality observed by the 

forces of the United States. The event proved the request to evening. The whole district was. strictly patrolled by the 
have been unnecessary. citizen guards during the night. 


About 7 P. M. the Queen's Ministers returned to the Station 
House, accompanied by Messrs. Neumann, E. C. Macfarlane, 
A. Rosa and others, and showed Marshal Wilson the Queen's 
protest, upon which he consented to surrender the place 
and the arms in his possession. About 7:30 P. M. it was for- 
mally delivered up to Messrs. J. H. Soper and J. A. Mc- 
Candless, when a detachment of twenty riflemen under 
Capt. Ziegler marched in and took possession. 

About the same time Capt. Nowlein, commander of the 
Queen's troops, reported to President Dole for orders, and 
was directed to keep his men and all their arms inside of 
the barracks for the night, and not to post guards as here- 
tofore in the palace enclosure. 

His men were paid off and disbanded on the evening of 
the 18th, when ninety Springfield rifles, seventy-five Win- 
chesters, one Catling gun and an Austrian field battery of 
eight pieces, with a large stock of ammunition were turned 
over to the Provisional Government. 

The Queen left the Palace about 11 A. M. of Wednesday, 
the 18th, and retired to her private residence, known as 
Washington Place. 

The Councils remained in session until Jl p. M. Tuesday 


On the 18th of January, the Provisional Government was 
recognized as the dt facto government of the Hawaiian Isl- 
and?, by the diplomatic and Consular representatives of 
Austro-Hungary, Belgium, Chili, Denmark, France, Germany, 
Italy, Mexico, the Netherlands, Peru, Portugal, Russia and 
Spain. The representatives of Great Britain and Japan 
delayed their formal recognition until the 20th. 

On the 19th, the U. S. force in Arion Hall was removed 
to much more commodious quarters in the Bishop premises 
on King Street, formerly called " Aigupita" which was for 
the time named "Camp Boston." 


The closing scenes of the Legislature of 1892, and the 
attempted Coup d'etat of January 14, had convinced many 
conservative citizens that annexation to the United States 
was the only step that would secure permanent peace and 
prosperity to the Islands. It was the hope of annexation 
that gave unity and confidence to the supporters of the revolu- 
tion, and had been declared to be its ultimated object in the 
proclamation of the Provisional Government, Besides as 




Senator Morgan has stated, " speedy action in completing the tained, Recruits flowed in steadily, without any special 
union was desirable for many obvious reasons, among which 
the injurious disturbance to commerce and danger to the 
public peace, growing out of a protracted agitation of so 
grave a matter, are conspicuous." Accordingly it was de- 
cided to dispatch the steamer Claudine at once to San 
Francisco with a Commission, empowered to negotiate a 
treaty of union with the United States. She sailed from 
Honolulu in the morning of Thursday, the 19th of January 
for San Francisco with the special Commission to Washing- 
ton on board, which consisted of Messrs. L. A. Thurston, 
VV. C. Wilder, W. R. Castle, J. Marsden and C. L. Carter. 
The Queen was allowed to send letters by the same vessel, 
but a passage on it was denied her envoys. Many promi- 
nent citizens were present at the Wilder dock to bid them 
God speed, and on the departure of the vessel, three hearty 
cheers were given for the Commission. 

The voyage was prosperous and on the morning of Janu- 
ary 28, the Commission landed in San Francisco, leaving on 
the following day for Washington. 

Among the first acts of the Provisional Government was 
the repeal of the Lottery act and of the Opium License law, 
which had been signed by the Queen January 13. Measures 
were promptly taken for organizing the National Guard of 
Hawaii. Strong guards of Volunteers were kept up at the 
Government building as well as at the Palace, the barracks 
and police station, and regular street patrols were main- 

effort to obtain them. 


So far the government had been sustained and good order 
preserved by the voluntary services of the best citizens of 
Honolulu. Time was needed to form a new police force and 
to organize and drill a small body of regular troops. Mean- 
while the incessant agitation and the alarming rumors kept 
up by the opponents of the Government produced a general 
feeling of uneasiness. Besides this, there was pressure from 
without. As Mr. Stevens afterwards stated before a Com- 
mittee of the -United States Senate, the Japanese Consul- 
General had lost no time in demanding of the new Government 
the right of suffrage for Japanese subjects in the Islands, 
and had sent a request to his government by the Claudine 
for a powerful cruiser, in addition to the training ship 
Kongo. A British ship of war was expected by the British 
Commissioner, who strongly opposed the project of annexa- 
tion to the United States. It was believed that any out- 
break, even if it was promptly crushed, would give color to 
the assertion at Washington that affairs in Hawaii were in 
a chaotic state, and that the Provisional Government had 
no stable authority. The strain on the Executive Council 
was severe. 

Accordingly on January 31, it was decided to request Min- 


ister Stevens "to raise the flag of the United States for the 
protection of the Hawaiian Islands, for the time being," 
* * * " but not interfering with the administration of 
public affairs by this government." 

In accordance with the terms of this request, at 8:30 
A. M., February 1st, Capt. Wiltse proceeded to the Govern- 
ment building, and a few moments later the battalion of 
the U. S. S. Boston under Lieut. Com. Swinburne, marched 
up the street, entered the grounds, and drew up in front 
of the building. 

Detachments from the three volunteer Companies A, B 
and C were drawn up in line, under the command of their 
respective captains, Ziegler, Gunn and Camara. Just before 
9 o'clock Lieut. Rush read in a loud voice the following 
proclamation, and punctually at 9 o'clock, amid the breath- 
less silence of all present, the flag, saluted by the troops, 
and by the cannon of the Boston, was raised above the 
tower of Aliiolani Hale. 

The following is the text of the proclamation : 


At the request of the Provisional Government of the Ha- 
waiian Islands, I hereby, in the name of the United States 
of America, assume protection of the Hawaiian Islands for 
the protection of life and property, and occupation of public 
buildings and Hawaiian soil, so far as may be necessary 
for the purpose specified, but not interfering with the 

administration of public affairs by the Provisional Govern- 

This action is taken, pending, and subject to, negotiations 
at Washington. 


Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 

tiary of the United States. 

United States Legation, February 1, 1893. 

Approved and executed by 

G. C. WILTSE, Capt. U. S. N., 

Commanding the United States Ship Boston." 

(From "Two Weeks of Hawaiian History.") 

"The custody of the Government building was then turned 
over to Lieut. Draper with his company of 25 marines. The 
American flag floated from the tower of the Government 
building, while the Hawaiian flag continued to float from 
the flag staff in the grounds. 

"The wisdom of the Government's course, in requesting 
the protectorate, was justified by the result. A general feet- 
ing of relief spread itself throughout the community. The 
maintenance of the citizen soldiers, many of whom could 
ill spare the strength and time, which they required for 
their daily bread had been somewhat burdensome. While 
these soldiers were willing to support the Government as 
long as necessary, most of them were glad to be able to 


H. I ,T. M. S. NANIWA. 


return to their ordinary occupations. The power of the Fro- 
visional Government to maintain itself against all coiners 
was never doubted for a moment, but it was naturally felt 
that the safest course was to be in constant readiness for 
an attack, even though the probability of any being made 
might be very small. As a matter of fact, it is not likely 
that an armed attempt to overthrow the government would 
have been made. 

"On Sunday, the 5th of February, martial law was abro- 
gated and the right of the writ of habeas corpus restored. 
No use had been made of its suspension, and no political 
arrests of any kind were found necessary." 

Although, as stated above, the protectorate gave the coun- 
try two months of profound peace and security from inter- 
nal as well as external dangers, it no doubt prejudiced the 
cause of annexation at Washington, and tended to place the 
Provisional Government in a false light. 

In a letter by the U. S. Secretary of State, Hon. John 
\V. Foster, to Minister Stevens, dated February llth, he 
defines the limits of the protectorate as follows : 

" So far, therefore, as your action amounts to according, 
at the request of the de facto Sovereign Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands, the co-operation of the moral and mate-_ 
rial forces of the United States for the protection of life 
and property from apprehended disorders, your action is 
commended. But so far as it may appear to overstep the 
limit by setting the authority and power of the United 

States above that of the Government of the Hawaiian 
Islands, in the capacity of protector, or to impair in any 
way the independent sovereignty of the Hawaiian Govern- 
ment by substituting the flag and power of the United 
States as the symbol and manifestation of paramount autho- 
rity, it is disavowed." 

Mr. Stevens claimed that what had actually been done 
was in exact accordance with the above dispatch, and said 
" there was no period in which I was more unconnected 
with internal affairs than in that period when the flag 
was up." 

H. B. M. ship Garnet, Capt. Hughes-Hallet, R. N., arrived 
February 12th, and the Japanese protected cruiser Naniwa 
Kan, arrived on February 28th, the latter vessel remaining 
until May llth. The attitude of the officers of these two 
ships while in" port was such as to fully justify the exist- 
ing protectorate as a measure of precaution. 



The five Commissioners of the Provisional Government 
arrived at Washington, February 3d, and were well received 
by the administration. The favor with which their mission 


was received by the press and people of the United States 
surpassed all expectation, and the impression then made 
has never been effaced. The Chamber of Commerce of San 
Francisco and the Legislatures of several states passed reso- 
lutions in favor of annexation. 

They had official interviews with the Secretary of State 
on the 4th, 7th and 9th of February, and were introduced 
to President Harrison on the llth. Hon. C. R. Bishop and 
W. A. Kinney joined them at Washington, and gave them 
valuable assistance, both by their influence and their coun- 
sel. President Harrison and his Cabinet devoted much time 
and study to the subject of the proposed treaty of annexa- 
tion, giving it precedence over other business for the time. 

On the 7th, Secretary Foster informed the Commissioners 
that the Cabinet had decided to proceed immediately with 
the negotiation of the treaty of annexation, which they had 
reason to believe would be ratified by the necessary two- 
thirds vote of the Senate. The financial provisions neces- 
sary for carrying out the treaty might be left to be acted 
upon by the House of Representatives at a later period. Ac- 
cordingly the treaty was drawn up by the Secretary and 
the Hawaiian Commissioners, and signed on the 14th of 
February. In drafting this treaty it was sought to accom- 
plish its main object without infringing on the legislative 
prerogatives of Congress, to avoid arousing unnecessary 
opposition in that branch of the government. Hence it 
reserved to Congress the determination of all questions relat- 

ing to the future form of government of the annexed terri- 
tory, the manner and terms under which the revenue and 
navigation laws of the United States were to be extended 
to it, etc., but provided that until Congress should legislate 
on these subjects, the existing government and laws of the 
Hawaiian Islands should be continued in v force. 

On this point President Harrison expressed himself as 
follows : " This legislation should be, and, I doubt not, will 
be not only just to the natives and all other residents of 
the islands, but should be characterized by great liberality 
and, a high regard to the rights of the people and of all 
foreigners domiciled there." 

The treaty made a liberal provision for the deposed Queen 
Liliuokalani, and the Princess Kaiulani. It was laid before 
the Senate for its concurrence on the 17th of February, and 
was in the following terms : 

" The United States of America and the Provisional Gov- 
ernment of the Hawaiian Islands, in view of the natural 
dependence of those islands upon the United States, of their 
geographical proximity thereto, of the intimate part taken 
by the citizens of the United States in their implanting the 
seeds of Christian civilization, of the long continuance of 
their exclusive reciprocal commercial relations whereby their 
mutual interests have been developed, and the preponderant 
and paramount share thus acquired by the United States 
and their citizens in the productions, industries and trade 
of the said Islands, and especially in view of the desire 


expressed by the said Government of the Hawaiian Islands 
that those Islands shall be incorporated into the United 
States as an integral part thereof and under sovereignty, 
in order to provide for and assure the security and pros- 
perity of the said islands, the High Contracting Parties have 
determined to accomplish by treaty an object so important 
to their mutual and permanent welfare. 

To this end the High Contracting Parties have conferred 
full power and authority upon their respectively appointed 
Plenipotentiaries, to wit : 

The President of the United States of America, John W. 
Foster, Secretary of State of the United States ; and 

The President of the Executive and Advisory Councils of 
the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, Lorrin 
A Thurston, William R. Castle, William C. Wilder, Charles 
L. Carter and Joseph Mars-den ; 

And the said Plenipotentiaries, after having communicated 
to each other their respective full powers, found in good and due 
form, have agreed upon and concluded the following articles : 


The Government of the Hawaiian Islands hereby cedes, 
from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this 
Treaty, absolutely and without reserve to the United States 
forever all rights of sovereignty of whatsoever kind in and 
over the Hawaiian Islands and their dependencies, renoun- 

cing in favor of the United States every sovereign right of 
which as an independent nation it is now possessed ; and 
henceforth said Hawaiian Islands and every island and key 
thereunto appertaining and each and every portion thereof 
shall become and be an integral part of the territory of the 
United States 


The Government of the Hawaiian Islands also cedes and 
transfers to the United States the absolute fee and owner- 
ship of all public, government or crown lands, public build- 
ings or edifices, ports, harbors, fortifications, military or 
naval equipments and all other public property of every 
kind and description belonging to the Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands, together with every right and appurte- 
nance thereunto appertaining. The existing laws of the 
United States relative to public lands shall not apply to 
such lands in the Hawaiian Islands, hut the Congress of 
the United States shall enact special laws for their man- 
agement and disposition : Provided, that all revenue from 
or proceeds of the same, except as regards such part thereof 
as may be used or occupied for the civil, military or naval 
purposes of the United States or may be assigned to the 
local use of the Government, shall he used solely for the 
benefit of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for educa- 
tional and other public purposes. 



Until Congress shall otherwise provide, the existing Gov- 
ernment and laws of the Hawaiian Islands are hereby con- 
tinued, suhject to the paramount authority of the United 
States. The President, by and with the consent of the 
Senate, shall appoint a Commissioner to reside in said 
Islands who shall have the power to veto any act of suid 
Government, and an act disapproved by him shall there- 
upon be void and of no effect unless approved by the 

Congress shall, within one year from the exchange of the 
ratifications of this Treaty, enact the necessary legislation 
to extend to the Hawaiian Islands the laws of the United 
States respecting duties upon imports, the internal revenue, 
commerce and navigation ; but until Congress shall other- 
wise provide, the existing commercial relations of the Ha- 
waiian Islands, both with the United States and foreign 
countries shall continue as regards the commerce of said 
Islands with the rest of the United States and with foreign 
countries, but this shall not be construed as giving to said 
Islands the power to enter into any new stipulation or 
agreement whatsoever or to have diplomatic intercourse with 
any foreign government. The consular representatives of 
foreign powers now resident in the Hawaiian Islands shall 
be permitted to continue in the exercise of their consular 

functions until they can receive their exequaturs from the 
Government of the United States. 


The further immigration of Chinese laborers into the 
Hawaiian Islands is hereby prohibited until Congress shall 
otherwise provide. Furthermore, Chinese persons of the 
classes now or hereafter excluded by law from entering the 
United States will not be permitted to come from the Ha- 
waiian Islands to other parts of the United States, and if 
so coming shall be subject to the same penalties as if enter- 
ing from a foreign country. 


The public debt of the Hawaiian Islands, lawfully exist- 
ing at the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this 
Treaty, including the amounts due to depositors in. the Ha- 
waiian Postal Savings Bank, is hereby assumed by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States ; but the liability of the 
United States in this regard shall in no case exceed three 
and one quarter millions of dollars. So long, however, as 
the existing Government and the present commercial rela- 
tions of the Hawaiian Islands are continued, as herein 
before provided, said Government shall continue to pay the 
interest on said debt. 




The Government of the United States agrees to pay to 
Liliuokalani, the late Queen, within one year from the date 
of the exchange of the ratifications of this Treaty the sum 
of Twenty Thousand Dollars, and annually thereafter a like 
sum of twenty thousand dollars during the term of her 
natural life, provided she in good faith submits to the 
authority of the Government of the United States and the 
local Government of the Islands. 

And the Government of the United States further agrees 
to pay to Princess Kaiulani within one year from the date 
of the exchange of the ratifications of this Treaty the gross 
sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, provided 
she in good faith submits to the authority of the Govern- 
ment of the United States and the local Government of the 


The present Treaty shall be ratified by the President of 
the United States, by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, on the one part, and by the Provisional Govern- 
ment of the Hawaiian Islands on the other, and the ratifica- 
tions thereof shall be exchanged at Honolulu as soon as 
possible. Such exchange shall be made on the part of the 
United States by the Commissioner hereinbefore provided 

for, and it shall operate as a complete and final conveyance 
to the United States of all the rights and property herein 
ceded to them. Within one month of such exchange of rati- 
fications the Provisional Government shall furnish said 
Commissioner with a full and complete schedule of all the 
public property herein ceded and transferred. 

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the respective Plenipotentiaries have 
signed the above articles and have hereunto affixed their 

Done in duplicate at the city of Washington this four- 
teenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and 

ninety three. 







The Treaty was favorably reported upon by the Committee 
on Foreign Relations, of which Senator Morgan is the chair- 
man, and was favored by a large majority of the Senate. It 
was, however, so near the close of the Congressional term 
that it was impossible to press the matter to a vote, or even 
to gain time for a discussion of it in the executive session. 
It had to be left as a legacy to the next administration. 
Nor was it long before certain adverse influences began to 
manifest their presence in Congress. 



The ex-Queen had sent a letter to President Harrison on 
the 19th of January, by the Claudine, requesting that no 
steps should be taken by the Government of the United 
States until her side of the case had been heard. On the 
2d of February, she dispatched two commissioners by the 
Australia, to represent her cause at Washington, viz., Mr. Paul 
Neumann and the young prince David Kawananakoa. They 
were accompanied to Washington and back to Honolulu by 
Mr. E. C. Macfarlane, one of the ablest of her adherents. 

Paul Neumann carried with him not only a commission 
as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, but 
also a power of attorney, authorizing him in the first place, 
to negotiate with the United States Government for " such 
njjiciid or other consideration, benefit or advantage" as could 
be obtained from the United States for herself and Kaiulani; 
and secondly; if " no nffirial consideration " for herself or 
Kaiulani should be attainable, then to arrange for "such 
pecuniary considerations, benefits and advantages," as could 
be secured for herself and Kaiulani from the United States, 
and to execute in her name whatever releases and acquit- 
tances of all her "claims to the throne of the Hawaiian 
Islands " might be requisite to secure such pecuniary con- 

Mr. Neumann also took with him a letter signed by the 

ex-Queen on the 31st of January, addressed to the President 
elect, Hon. Grover Cleveland, in which she asked for his 
" friendly assistance in granting redress for a wrong which 
we claim has been done to us, under color of the assistance 
of the naval forces of the United States in a friendly port." 
As her attorney, he had skillfully drawn up a precis or 
statement of the circumstances attending the revolution, to 
support this contention that the Queen's surrender had been 
compelled by the forces of the U. S. ship Boston. In this 
document he made the following statement in regard to the 
events succeeding the revolution : 

" This state of things was only made possible by the 
armed support of the United States troops ashore and the 
guns of the U. S. warship Hoaton, trained on the town. The 
usurpation of authority would not have lasted an hour with- 
out such armed support and encouragement by the United 
States Minister. 

As a logical sequence to these events, the lawless and 
criminal foreign element, armed by the usurpers, and paid 
to terrorize the natives and law abiding citizens, now dis- 
played a mutinous spirit, and the Provisional Government 
was compelled to call upon the American Minister to assume 
a protectorate, and to disband its armed force, which was 
accomplished on February 1st. This fact alone demonstrates 
that the so-called Provisional Government has no strength 
of its own, either to preserve the peace or to enforce obedi- 
ence to its edicts." 



The ex-Queen's commissioners left San Francisco, Feb- 
ruary llth, reaching Washington on the 17th. Mr. Macfar- 
lane and Prince David at once proceeded to New York to 
present her autograph letter, together with a copy of Mr. 
Neumann's precis to the President elect. 

On their arrival there they had an interview with Mr. 
O'Brien, his private secretary, through whom they sent the 
documents to Mr. Cleveland at Lakewood. 

He immediately caused the precis to be published in the 
New York World. It is evident that his mind was deeply 
impressed at the outset with the belief that the late revolu- 
tion was the result of a deeply-laid conspiracy, aided and 
abetted by the United States Minister and Capt. 'Wiltse 
of the Huston. 

The influence of the President-elect soon began to be felt 
in the attitude of the Democratic Senators towards the 
treaty. Hostility to it also began to be expressed by Demo- 
crats in the House of Representatives. Mr. Neumann had 
an interview on the 21st with Secretary Foster, to whom he 
presented a copy of his statement and also sent another 
copy to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. 


Meanwhile another party appeared upon the scene. The 
Princess Kaiulani, daughter of Gov. Archibald Cleghorn of 
Honolulu, and the Princess Likelike, the younger sister of 

Liliuokalani, was heiress presumptive to the throne of Ha- 
waii. She was seventeen years of age and had been resid- 
ing for some years in England for her education, under the 
guardianship of Theophilus H. Davies, Esq., a gentleman 
who had amassed a large fortune in mercantile pursuits in 

On hearing of the deposition of the Queen, Mr. Davies at 
once took active steps in the interest of his royal ward. 
While fully admitting the justice of the Queen's deposition, 
he protested against annexation, and proposed a Regency in 
the name of Kaiulani, with Mr. Dole at its head, to admin- 
ister the Government for three years, after which Kaiulani 
should be installed as Queen. 

Mr. Davies embarked with the youthful princess from 
Liverpool, February 22d, arriving at New York-, March 1st. 
They immediately issued the following poetical manifesto : 


Unbidden I stand upon your shores to-day, where I 
thought so soon to receive a royal welcome on my way to 
my own Kingdom. I come unattended, except by loving 
hearts that come with me over the wintry seas. I hear that 
commissioners from my own land have been for many days 
asking this great nation to take away my little vineyard. 
They speak no word to me, and leave me to find out as I 
can from the rumors in the air, that they would leave me 
without a home, or a name or a nation. 


Seventy years ago, Christian America sent over Christian 
men and women to give religion and civilization to Hawaii. 
They gave us the gospel. They made us a nation, and we 
learned to love and trust America. To-day, three of the 
sons of those missionaries are at your capitol, asking you to 
undo their father's work. Who sent them? Who gave them 
authority to break the constitution which they swore they 
would uphold? 

To-day, I, a poor, weak girl, with not one of my people 
near me, and with all these Hawaiian statesmen against 
me, have strength to stand up for the rights of my people. 
Even now I can hear a wail in my heart, and it gives me 
strength and courage, and I am strong strong in the faith 
of God, strong in the knowledge that I am right, strong in 
the strength of 70,000,000 of people, who in this free land 
will hear my cry, and will refuse to let their flag cover 
dishonor to mine." 



* This proceeding' on the part of Mr. Davies was entered 
upon without consulting Liliuokalani, and was deprecated hy 
her envoys, who feared that it would prejudice their cause 
with the American people. Mr. Davies and his ward arrived 
at Washington, March 8th, where he was accorded a friendly 
hearing hy the President, which inspired him with hope and 
confidence. The Princess was cordially received at the 
White House on the 13th, and seems to have won the heart 

of her gracious hostess. She published her farewell address 
to the people of the United States, March 21st, and sailed 
the same day for Liverpool. 


The President was inaugurated on Saturday, March 4, 
1893. On Monday, the 6th, the Senate met in special ses- 
sion to confirm the appointment of his Cabinet. On Thurs- 
day, the 9th, the Senate held its next session, when the 
President sent in a message, withdrawing from their con- 
sideration the treaty negotiated with Hawaii. This he did 
without assigning any reasons or stating his intentions. 

The new Secretary of State, Mr. Gresham, told Commis- 
sioner Thurston on the 10th, that "with insignificant know- 
ledge of facts and of detail, they desired time for considera- 
tion of .the subject, and the treaty had been withdrawn for 
that purpose." On the same day he intimated to Admiral 
Brown his impression that "some kind of a job was mixed 
up in the matter." 

On the same day Secretary Hoke Smith telegraphed to 
Mr. Blount of Macon, Georgia, asking him to "come pre- 
pared for a confidential trip of great importance" to Hono- 
lulu. From that day on the President became inaccessible 
to the Hawaiian Commissioners, and from that time on they 
could obtain no information as to the intentions of the 
Administration concerning Hawaii. 




Messrs. Wilder and Marsden of the Hawaiian Commission 
speedily returned home. Mr. Castle followed later, arriving 
in Honolulu, April 7th, in company with the ex-Queen's 
commissioners and Mr. Nordhoff. Mr. C. L. Carter remained 
at Washington during Mr. Thurston's absence at Chicago; 
but the Secretary constantly declined to allow him any 
opportunity of making a statement on behalf of the Provi- 
sional Government. J. Mott Smith was superseded as 
Hawaiian Minister at Washington by Mr. L. A. Thurston, 
who WHS officially received as Minister by President Cleve- 
land, June 9, 1895. 

The President in replying to Thurston's address, said in" 
part : " I beg to assure you that our people and Govern- 
ment are at all times willing and anxious to strengthen and 
multiply the ties of friendship which bind us to the people 
of Hawaii. To this end no effort on our part shall be 
neglected which is consistent with our traditional national 
policy, and which is not violative of that devotion to popu- 
lar rights which underlies every American conception of 
free government." 



As already shown, President Cleveland was deeply im- 
pressed by the statements contained in the Queen's protest 
and in the precis, (drawn up by the same hand), to the effect 

that she had yielded only to the superior force of the United 
States, and now appealed to his 'sense of justice to "undo a 
great wrong," in which he probably imagined that he saw 
the far reaching hand of his former rival for the Presidency. 
His suspicions were -also excited by the haste with which 
the treaty had been negotiated during the last month of 
the preceding administration. 

Accordingly he determined to send a special commissioner 
to investigate all the circumstances attending the. late revo- 
lution, and to report on the expediency of annexation. For 
this important duty he chose the Hon. James H. Blount of 
Macon, Georgia, who had commanded a regiment in the 
confederate army during the civil war. For eighteen years 
he had served as a member of the House of Representatives, 
and during the 52d Congress had been Chairman of the 
Committee of Foreign Affairs in that body. 

Mr. Blount received his written instructions March 11, 
just one week after President Cleveland's inauguration. The 
Secretary of State also verbally instructed him to remove 
the American flag which had been hoisted over the Govern- 
ment building in Honolulu. His instructions were as 

follows : 


WASHINGTON, March llth, 1895. 

Sir : The situation created in the Hawaiian Islands by 
the recent deposition of Queen Liliuokalani and the erection 


of a Provisional Government demands the fullest considera- 
tion of the President, and in order to obtain trustworthy 
information on the subject, as well as for the discharge of 
other duties herein specified, he has decided to dispatch you 
to the Hawaiian Islands as his special commissioner, in 
which capacity you will herewith receive a commission and 
also a letter, whereby the President accredits you to the 
president of the executive and advisory councils of the 
Hawaiian Islands. 

The comprehensive, delicate and confidential character of 
your mission can now only be briefly outlined, the details 
of its execution being necessarily left, in a great measure, 
to your good judgment and wise discretion. 

You will investigate and fully report to the President all 
the facts you can learn respecting the condition of affairs 
in the Hawaiian Islands, the causes of the revolution by 
which the Queen's Government was overthrown, the senti- 
ment of the people toward existing authority, and, in gen- 
eral, all that can fully enlighten the President touching the 
subjects of your mission. 

To enable you to fulfill this charge, your authority in all 
matters touching the relations of this Government to the 
existing or other government of the Islands, and the protec- 
tion of our citizens therein, is paramount, and in you alone, 
acting in co-operation with the commander of the naval 
forces, is vested full discretion and power to determine when 
such forces should be landed or withdrawn. 

You are, however, authorized to avail yourself of such aid 
and information as you may desire from the present Min- 
ister of the United States at Honolulu, Mr. John L. Stevens, 
who will continue until further notice to perform the usual 
functions attaching to his office not inconsistent with the 
powers intrusted to you. An instruction will be sent to 
Mr. Stevens, directing him to facilitate your presentation to 
the head of the Government upon your arrival, and to render 
you all needed assistance. 

The withdrawal from the Senate of the recently sinned 
treaty of annexation, for re-examination by the President, 
leaves its subject-matter in abeyance, and you are not 
charged with any duty in respect thereto. It may be well, 
however, for you to dispel any misapprehension which its 
withdrawal may have excited touching the entire friendli- 
ness of the President and the Government of the United 
States toward the people of the Hawaiian Islands or the 
earnest solicitude here felt for their welfare, tranquillity and 

Historical precedents and the general course of the United 
States authorize the employment of its armed force in for- 
eign territory for the security of the lives and property of 
American citizens, and for the repression of lawless and 
tumultuous acts threatening them ; and the powers con- 
ferred to that end upon the representatives of the United 
States are both necessary and proper, subject always to the 
exercise of a sound discretion in their application. 


In the judgment of the President, your authority, as well 
as that of the commander of the naval forces in Hawaiian 
waters, should be, and is, limited in the use of physical 
force to such measures as are necessary to protect the per- 
sons and property of our citizens ; and while abstaining from 
any manner of interference with the domestic concerns of 
the Islands, you should indicate your willingness to inter- 
vene with your friendly offices in the interest of a peaceful 
settlement of troubles within the limits of sound discretion. 

Should it be necessary to land an armed force upon Ha- 
waiian territory on occasion of popular disturbance, when 
the local authority may be unable to afford adequate pro- 
tection to the life and property of citizens of the United 
States, the assent of such authority should first be obtained, 
if it can be done without prejudice to the interests involved. 
Your power in this regard should not, however, be claimed 
to the exclusion of similar measures by the representatives 
of other powers for the protection of the lives and property 
of their citizens or subjects residing in the Islands. 

While the United States claim no right to interfere in the 
political or domestic affairs or in the internal conflicts of 
the Hawaiian Islands otherwise than as herein stated, or for 
the purpose of maintaining any treaty or other rights which 
they possess, this Government will adhere to its consistent 
and established policy in relation to them, and it will not 
acquiesce in domestic interference by other powers. 

The foregoing general exposition of the President's views 

will indicate the safe courses within which your action 
should be shaped, and mark the limits of your discretion in 
calling upon the naval commander for co-operation. 

The United States revenue cutter Rush is under orders to 
await you at San Francisco and convey you to Honolulu. 

It is expected that you will use all convenient dispatch 
for the fulfillment of your mission, as it is the President's 
wish to have the results before him at the earliest possible 
day. Besides the connected report you are expected to fur- 
nish, you will from time to time, as occasion may offer, cor- 
respond with the Secretary of State, communicating inform- 
ation or soliciting special instruction on such points as you 
may deem necessary. In case of urgency you may tele- 
graph, either in plain text or in the cipher of the Navy 
Department, through the kind offices of the admiral com- 
manding, which may be sent to Mr. \V. A. Cooper, United 
States dispatch agent at San Francisco, to be transmitted. 

Reposing the amplest confidence in your ability and zeal 
for the realization of the trust thus confided to you. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

(Signed) W. Q. GBESHAM. 

No previous intimation was given to the Hawaiian Com- 
missioners that the President intended to withdraw the treaty 
from the Senate, nor of the appointment or objects of Mr. 
Blount's mission. 

In reply to repeated inquiries upon this point Mr. Gres- 


ham positively refused to deny or admit even that Mr. 
Blount had gone to Hawaii. 

Mr. Blount left Washington on the 14th, and tarrying only 
four hours in San Francisco, embarked March 20th on the reve- 
nue cutter Richard Rush, which lay there awaiting his orders, 
and landed in Honolulu on the morning of March 29th. 

The royalists believed that he was coming in their inter- 
est, and formed a procession of native women with flags to 
meet him. The Queen's ex-chamberlain offered him her car- 
riage to ride up in, which he properly declined. On the 
other hand, the annexationists had decorated the principal, 
business streets with American flags. A committee of Ameri- 
cans tendered him a welcome, and offered him the use of a 
convenient residence. He declined to accept any favors from 
either party, and established himself at the so-called " Snow 
Cottage," attached to the Hawaiian Hotel, where he remained 
with his wife and secretary during the four months of his 
stay in Honolulu. He was probably not aware that this 
hotel was leased and managed in the interest of the Queen's 
party, for whom it was a favorite resort. On the day after 
his arrival, the 30th, he was introduced by Minister Stevens 
to President Dole, to whom he presented President Cleve- 
land's letter accrediting him in the following language : 


I have made choice of James H. Blount, one of our dis- 
tinguished citizens, as my special commissioner to visit the 

Hawaiian Wands, and make report to me concerning the 
present status of affairs in that country. He is well in^ 
formed of our sincere desire to cultivate and maintain to 
the fullest extent the friendship which has so long subsisted 
between the two countries, and in all matters affecting rela- 
tions with the Government of the Hawaiian Islands, his 
authority is paramount. My knowledge of bin high character 
and ability gives me entire confidence that he will use every 
endeavor to advance the interest and propriety of both 
governments and to render himself acceptable to your 

"I therefore request your excellency to receive him favor- 
ably and to give full credence to what he shall say on the 
part of the United States and the assurances which 1 have 
charged him to convey to you of the best wishes of this 
Government for the prosperity of the Hawaiian Islands. 

" May God have your excellency in His wise keeping. 

'' \Vritten at Washington, this llth day of March, in the 
year 1893. 


By the President : 


Secretary of State." 

In a letter to Minister Stevens of the same date, Secre- 
tary Gresham informed him also that "in all matters per- 
taining to the existing or other Government of the Islands 


the authority of Mr. Blount is jxinn/unint." A letter of the 
same date from the Secretary of the Navy to Rear Admiral 
Skerrett contains the following passage : " You will consult 
freely with Mr. Blount and will obey any instructions you 
may receive from him' regarding the course to be pursued at 
said islands by the force under your command." 

The question whether the President had a constitutional 
right to clothe his private agent, appointed without the 
knowledge or confirmation of the Senate, with these extra- 
ordinary powers, has since been fully debated in Congress. 


On the afternoon of the 31st, Mr. Blount notified Presi- 
dent Dole that he would order the ensign of the United 
States to be hauled down, and send the American troops on 
board of their respective vessels. At President Dole's re- 
quest, he postponed action until next morning. The follow- 
ing peremptory order was then addressed to Hear Admiral 
Skerrett : 

"Sir: You are directed to haul down the United States 
ensign from the Government building and to embark the 
troops now on shore to the ships to which they belong. 
This will be executed at 11 o'clock on the 1st day of April. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 
(Signed) JAS. H. BLOU.NT, 

Special Commissioner of the United States." 

As the hour of 11 approached, a company of regular 
troops under Capt. Good and a company of volunteers, to- 
gether with a detachment of artillery, marched over from 
the barracks and were drawn up in front of the Government 
building. At the same time a large concourse both of 
natives and foreigners had gathered in the adjoining streets. 
As the hand of the clock in the tower reached the appointed 
hour, at a sign from Lieut. Draper, the bugle sounded, on 
which the Stars and Stripes came down and the Hawaiian 
flag was raised in their place over the tower, amid dead 
silence. The troops of the Provisional Government presented 
arms, but no salute was fired, nor was any public declara- 
tion as to the import of this transaction read or published. 
The U S. sailors and marines then marched out of the 
Government building and of their own quarters at " Camp 
Boston," and returned to their ships, while the troops of the 
Provisional Government marched in and took their places in 
the Legislative hall. The feeling of the spectators on both 
sides was intense but suppressed. The royalists knew that 
the change of flags did not of itself mean restoration, and 
they saw that the Provisional Government was still master 
of the situation. But they hoped that this act was only the 
first step on the way to restoration, and were therefore 
elated, while the annexationists were correspondingly de- 
pressed. In the United States this incident touched the 
popular heart, and kindled a feeling of indignation, which 
no subsequent explanation has been able fo allay. 


The same day Mr. Blount wrote to the Secretary of State, 
" The American Minister and Consul-General seem to be in- 
tense partisans for annexation. I do not yet see how they 
will embarrass me in the purposes of my mission." 


On the afternoon of April 1, Mr. Blount received a com- 
mittee of nineteen half-whites headed by Mr. John E. Bush, 
formerly envoy to Samoa under Kalakaua. who presented 
resolutions against annexation, praying "that the great 
wrong committed against us may be righted by the restora- 
tion of the independent autonomy and constitutional govern- 
ment of our Kingdom under our beloved Queen, Liliuoka- 
lani, in whom we have the utmost confidence as a conscien- 
tious and popular ruler." 

Mr. Blount replied that he could only communicate the 
resolutions to the President ; he could not discuss with 
them the objects of his mission or the purposes of his 

Soon afterwards Mr. Blount gave audience to a committee 
of the Hui Kalaiaina, (Hawaiian Political Association) com- 
posed of native Hawaiians, who presented a memorial ask- 
ing for the restoration of the Queen. 

Mr. Blount's comment on it was : 

" There is no aspiration in it for the advancement of the 
right of the masses to participate in the control of public 

affairs, but an eager, trustful devotion to the crown as an 
absolute monarchy." 

On the 16th of April, Mr. Blount received similar resolu- 
tions presented by twelve Hawaiian ladies, representing the 
Hui Aloha Aina (Patriotic League). 

"These," he says, "are strongly suggestive of blind devo- 
tion to arbitrary power vested in the crown, worn by a 
person of native blood. They seem to go very far in the 
matter of the capacity of these people for self government." 

On the 7th of April, Messrs. Paul Neumann, David 
Kawananakoa and E. C. Macfarlane returned to Honolulu 
from their mission to Washington, and a grand feast was 
made in their honor. An unfounded report was immediately 
circulated that Mr. Blount would soon receive orders to 
restore the Queen. 

Among their fellow passengers were Mr. Harold M. Sewell, 
Dr. Wm. Shaw Bowen, one of the editorial staff of the New 
York World and Mr. Chas. Nordhoff, correspondent of the 
New York Herald. 


For several weeks after the hauling down of the American 
flag, Honolulu was a hot-bed of intrigues of all kinds. 
About the middle of April, both Commissioner Blount and 
the Administration at Washington were greatly disturbed by 
certain alleged proceedings on the part of Dr- Bowen. 


It appears from his own testimony that Dr. Bowen, be- 
lieving on the one hand that annexation was impracticable, 
and on the other that the restoration of the Queen would 
never be sanctioned by Congress, urged Mr. Paul Neumann 
to bring about a compromise between the Queen and the 
Provisional Government. The proposition was that the 
Queen should receive a liberal pension in consideration of 
her abdication of the throne in favor of the Provisional 
Government. Several conferences took place between Messrs. 
Bowen and Neumann on one side and President Dole on 
the other. The result was that President Dole informed Mr. 
Neumann that any proposition of the kind, duly authorized 
by the Queen, would receive respectful attention. On the 
16th, Dr. Bowen explained the plan to Mr. Blount, who 
declined to express any opinion on it. The next morning 
Mr. Blount called on President Dole to ascertain how far 
the affair had gone, and told him that neither Dr. Bowen 
nor any one else except himself (Blount) was authorized to 
speak for the President of the United States. 

Col. Claus Spreckels, having arrived on the 18th, called 
on the Queen on 20th, and encouraged her to hope for his 
support. The next day he informed Mr. Blount "that he sus- 
pected there was an effort at negotiation between the Queen 
and the Provisional Government, and that he had urged the 
Queen to withdraw her power of attorney from Paul Neumann." 

On the 24th, after informing President Dole of his inten- 
tion, Mr. Blount called on the Queen and questioned her in 

regard to the alleged negotiations with the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, plainly showing -his disapprobation of them. She 
promised him that "she would not enter into any negotia- 
tions until the Government at Washington had taken action 
on the information derived through his report." 

Mr. Blount told her that " one of the objects of his visit 
was to get all the facts connected with her dethronement 
and the disposition of the people of the Islands in relation 
to the present Government." She then remarked that much 
depended on Mr. Spreckels as to the future, and that if he 
should refuse to loan any money to the Government, it 
would go to pieces. At Mr. Blount's request, she told Wm. 
Aldrich to furnish him a list of those annexationists who 
had signed petitions for the lottery. A copy of this list is 
embodied in Mr. Nordhoff's letter to the New York Herald of 
April 25th, and much is made of it in Blount's report. The 
same day the Queen told Mr. Neumann that nothing would 
be done until the Government of the United States gave its 
decision, and asked him to return to her his power of at- 
torney and his commission, which he did the next day. 
Dr. Bowen left on the Australia, April 26th. In consequence of 
Mr. Blount's dispatch No. 6, the following telegram was sent 
from Washington, dated May 9th, and received May 17th : 

"To JAMES H. BLOUNT, American Commissioner, Honolulu. 

Your report of April 26th received. The views therein 
expressed and the steps taken by you have the President's 


approval. The President, having determined to recall Mr. 
Stevens, dispatch is forwarded to him to-day, directing him 
to turn over the Legation to you forthwith. 

You are hereby appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary to the Hawaiian Islands. Your com- 
mission bears date May 9th. You may take oath before 
Consul-General, and thereupon announce your appointment. 
While your acceptance permanently would greatly gratify 
the President, your wishes will control. 

A new Consul-General will speedily be appointed. The 
representations of Bowen and Sewell are wholly unauthorized 
and repudiated by the President, who repeats that you alone 
are authorized to represent him in all matters embodied 
in the instructions given you before your departure for 



Secretary <if State." 

It should lie stated here that both Mr Bowen and Mr. 
Sewell positively deny having made any such false repre- 
sentations as implied above. 

Mr. Stevens having tendered his resignation March 7th, 
had already notified Mr. Gresham that he should return to 
the United States on the 24th of May, which he did. On 
leaving the country he received the highest testimonials of 
esteem from his fellow citizens and from the Hawaiian 


On the 18th of April, Mr. Blount forbade the landing of 
troops from the Boston for the purpose of drilling, probably 
fearing that it might create an impression favorable to the 
Provisional Government. In his dispatch of April 26th, he 
used the following language : 

"The white race, or what may be termed the Reform 
Party, constitute the intelligence and own most of the pro- 
perty in these islands, and are desperately eager to be a 
part of the United States on any terms rather than take 
the chances of being subjected to the control of the natives. 
With them we can dictate any terms." 

On the 16th of May, Mr. Blount saw fit to publish in the 
Honolulu papers, his instructions of March llth, as given- 
above. To the^e he appended the following notice : 

" While I shall abstain from interference with conflicting 
forces of whatever nationality, I will protect American citi- 
zens not participating in such conflict." 

Under the circumstances the language was naturally inter- 
preted by both parties as a plain intimation that an U| ris- 
ing of the royalists to overturn the existing government 
would be viewed with indifference by the Commissioner. 


Mr. Chas. Nordhoff ably executed the errand upon which 
he had been sent to the Islands. In comparison with him 


the Queen's adherents were hut tyros in the art of misrepre- 
sentation. At the same time his intimate relations with Com- 
missioner Blount became a subject of general remark. At 
length the indignation aroused among the supporters of the 
Government was such that threats of personal violence were 
ninde by some rash individuals against Mr. Nordhoff. On 
being informed of it, the authorities at once took precau- 
tions for his protection. A letter of his to the N. Y. Herald 
having been republished in a Honolulu paper, he was 
threatened with several libel suits, and summoned May 22d, 
to appear before the Provisional Assembly to answer for the 
false statement that "most of the members" of that Assem- 
bly had signed petitions for the lottery. 

The source of Mr. Nordhoff' s information on this point has 
been indicated above. Upon this Mr. Blount called upon 
President Dole and protested against the action of the Coun- 
cil, saying that " Whatever information Mr. Nordhoff may 
have obtained carried with it an obligation of privacy, which 
I do not believe he would violate." 

He further sent President Dole a letter in which he took 
the ground that an American citizen cannot be called to ac- 
count in any foreign country for a libel published in the 
United States, and cited as a precedent, the case of Mr. 
Cutting, who was arrested at Juarez, Mexico, for a publication 
in Texas, in 1885, but was set free at the demand of the 
American Government. Mr. Nordhoff then made a written 
declaration that the republication in the Honolulu Bulletin 

of his letters to the N. Y. Herald was without his knowledge 
and consent. 

He also published a retraction and apology for untrue 
statements made in regard to Messrs. T. F. Lansing and F. 
W. McChesney, members of the Advisory Council, as well as 
to Mr. \V. H. Hoogs. President Dole's reply to Commissioner 
Blount was in part as follows : 

'Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your letter of the 22nd inst., relating to Mr. Nordhoff, and to 
state in reply that upon full consideration of the questions 
involved this Government has decided to take no criminal 
proceedings against Mr. Nordhoff for what was considered as 
contempt against the Advisory Council of this Government. 

" In respect to the matters referred to in the Attorney- 
General's letter to Mr. Nordhoff, this Goveinment does not 
propose to take any proceedings in- contravention of the 
view of international law expressed by the United States 
Government in the Cutting case ; but there is apparently 
this distinction to be noted in the two cases, viz., that Mr. 
Cutting was in the United States when he made the publi- 
cation objected to by the Mexican Government, whereas Mr. 
Nordhoff, while in the Hawaiian Islands and under the 
jurisdiction of its courts, has written articles defamatory of 
this Government, which were published in the United States 
in a newspaper which is freely circulated in the Hawaiian 
Islands, and which articles have been republished here." 

In a letter dated May 29, Mr. Blount writes: "I suf$- 


gested to President Dole and the Attorney-General, in con- opposing annexation and to establish an independent oligar- 

versation with them, that if Mr. Nordhoff was so obnoxious, chy, Col. Spreckels decided in the latter part of May, 1893, 

they might possibly require him to leave the country." The that the time had come to strike a decisive blow for the 

Government, however, was not simple enough to step into restoration of the Queen. 

any such trap. 

The government treasury was very low when the revolu- 

" Indeed," he adds, "the whole proceeding in relation to tion took place, military expenses since then had been very 

him (Nordhoff) seems to have been animated by the spirit heavy, and the taxes would not begin to come in before 

of crushing out all opposing opinions by forceful methods." July. The Wilcox Cabinet had been obliged in December, 

To this charge the files of certain royalist papers for that 1892, to borrow $95,000 from Spreckels' Bank to meet with- 

year. filled as they are with the foulest abuse, are a suffici- drawals from the Postal Savings Bank, the notes for which 

ent reply. In hardly any other country would such publi- became due June 1st. Besides this, the semi-annual interest 

cations have been tolerated. on the London loan, amounting to $30,000, which became 

On the 21st of June, Mr. Nordhoff left the Islands for his due in July, had to be provided for. In this situation Col. 

home in Coronado, California, where he continued his news- Spreckels saw his opportunity, and although in February he 

paper war against the Provisional Government. Early in had given the -Cabinet to understand that he would not call 

the following November, while Mr. Blount's report was still for the principal as long as the interest was promptly paid, 

locked up in the State Department, Mr. Nordhoff published 
portions of the testimony filed with Mr. Blount in the pre- 
ceding May and June, by Messrs. C. T. Gulick and G. 
Trousseau, pretending that these were extracts from letters 
recently received by him from Honolulu. 


he made a sudden demand for the whole amount a few days 
before it became due.' 

On the 29th of May he had a conference with the Queen, 
in which he told her that the Provisional Government would 
fall to pieces in consequence of his demand, so that arms 
would not be required. He advised her to form a new 
cabinet, proclaim a new constitution, and declare martial 
law. There is no proof that Mr; Blount was in the 
During this period, Mr. Nordhoff was believed, to be the secret. 

mouth-piece of Col. Spreckels. After having labored in vain On the afternoon of May 31st, Mr. P. C. Jones went out 
to persuade the leading sugar planters to join with him in on the street and raised the $95,000 for the government in 


8 B. DOLE. 

8. M." DA HON. 

J. A. KING. 


half an hour. Not only was Mr. Spreckels paid in full to his 
intense disgust, but the $30,000 of interest on the London 
debt was remitted by the mail of June 6th. On the 5th of 
June the lolani Palace was formally occupied, with appro- 
priate ceremonies, for the executive offices of the government 
and named the " Executive Building." The former govern- 
ment building became known as the "Judiciary Building." 


About this time the air was full of rumors of conspiracies 
which now appear to have been well founded. 

On June 21st, Messrs. Crick, Sinclair and Walker were 
arrested and held for trial. Although the authorities failed 
to obtain sufficient evidence to convict them of conspiracy, 
it is now known by Mr. Walker's own confession, that a 
number of dynamite bombs were then manufactured which 
were concealed at the Queen's place, and it seems to be cer- 
tain that she was accessory to the fact. 

In view of this state of things, the Government took 
measures to put itself into an efficient state of defence. 
Four companies of volunteer soldiers were thoroughly organ- 
ized, equipped and drilled, while a citizens' guard, number- 
ing 700, was organized as a reserved force. 

The continual agitation and disquiet led some of the sup- 
porters of the Government to demand the banishment of the 
Queen. President Dole, however, assured Mr. Blount " that 

it was the purpose of the Government to take no extreme 
steps against any parties here, unless it should be to meet 
a forcible attack upon the Government." 


The main object of Mr. Blount's mission was carefully 
coni-ealed from the Provisional Government and from Mr. 
Stevens. It was generally supposed by the Government and 
its friends that he had been sent to investigate and report 
upon their offer of annexation to the United States. Under 
this impression the Provisional Government afforded the 
Commissioner every facility in its power for obtaining in- 
formation, and spared neither time nor expense in furnish- 
ing him with details on every subject bearing on that ques- 
tion. They never suspected his real object, which seems to 
have been to make out a case both against their title to 
govern and against the character of the former representative 
of his own government. They never dreamed that his in- 
vestigations would be treated by President Cleveland as hav- 
ing been of the nature of a full and impartial trial of a 
supposed case between the Provisional Government and the 
deposed Queen, as submitted by both parties to the arbitra- 
tion of the President of the United States. 

All the essential elements of such a trial were lacking, in 
that the parties were not both notified that any case be- 
tween them was being adjudicated, in that the subject-matter 


of the inquiry was not communicated to them, unless secretly 
to the Queen's side, as seemed to be the case, and in that 
all the evidence was privately taken, giving no opportunity 
for either party to cross-examine witnesses or bring in re- 
butting evidence. 

There was nothing judicial either in the methods employed 
or in the animus evinced by the correspondence and report 
of the Commissioner. Both are pervaded from beginning to 
end by a strange hostility to the American colony residing 
in the Islands. 

In a letter to Secretary Gresham dated April 8th, after 
condemning American residents for " participating in affairs 
of the islands," while expecting to be protected by the 
United States, he continues, '' My present impression is that 
the existing government owes its being and its maintenance 
to this perverted influence." This sounds the key-note to 
the whole report that follows, and shows that he had 
already, only a few days after landing, made up his mind 
on the subject which he was to investigate. In fact, he 
seems to have so completely prejudged the case as to be im- 
pervious to any evidence opposed to his predilections. 

The Commissioner possessed some special qualifications for 
the difficult part which he had to play. Naturally reticent, 
he had an uncommon power of concealing his private senti- 
ments and intentions, which has caused him to be accused 
of dissimulation. While the Queen's frienda well knew that 
he was on their side, the supporters of the Provisional Gov- 

ernment believed that, even if he was opposed to annexation, 
he appreciated the character and motives of the leaders in 
the late revolution. 

He also showed no little shrewdness and adroitness as a 
prosecuting attorney, in his choice of witnesses, and in the 
preparation of questions, etc., to make out his case. 

His method was to hold private interviews with individu- 
als, who were examined by him in his private office, the 
questions and answers being taken down by his stenographer, 
Mr. Ellis Mills, and kept strictly secret. It is the general 
testimony of those whom he questioned that he carefully 
shut off any voluntary statements beyond the simplest re- 
plies to his leading questions. If any reply did not suit 
him, he would cross-examine the witness at great length, in 
order to modify or break the force of his first statement. 
He also received and filed numerous written statements, 
mostly from royalists, in some of which Mr. Nordhoff had a 
hand, and fifteen affidavits, all made by royalists. 

The complaint is justly made that the Commissioner did not 
seek evidence from the leading members of the Committee of 
Safety, from the members of the Wilcox Cabinet or from 
Lieut. Swinburne and other officers of the U. S. S. Hnxtnn. 

It was with much difficulty and apparent reluctance on 
his part that any hearing could be obtained for those honest 
and patriotic natives who had opposed the lottery bill, and 
their evidence was not recorded. 

Nor was Minister Stevens informed of the charges against 


him or given any opportunity to reply to them. Much of 
this suppressed evidence was afterwards brought out by the 
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. 

It was with great reluctance that Mr. Blount accepted his 
appointment as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary, which, as before stated, reached him May 17. The 
nature of his report, however, was kept a profound secret until 
the middle of November. Weary of the false position in which 
he found himself, and for other private reasons, Mr. Blount 
embarked for the United States on the 8th of August. 

Before leaving he wrote to Secretary Gresham, July 31, in 
part as follows : 

" Dear Sir : The condition of parties in the Islands is one 
of quiescence. The iiction of the United States is awaited by 
all as a necessity. * * * The present government can only 
rest on the use of military force, possessed of most of the arms 
in the Islands, with a small white population to draw from 
to strengthen it. Ultimately it will fall without fail. It may 
preserve its existence for a year or two, but no longer." In 
this "the wish," no doubt, "was father to the thought." 

The United States continued to be represented by Rear- 
Admiral Skerrett at Honolulu. 


Mr. Blount's report, as might be expected, instead of being 
the dispassionate summing up of an impartial arbitrator, is 

a piece of special pleading, supported by a mass of purely 
(X parte evidence. 

This is not the place to review this document, and to 
point out its extraordinary perversions of history, and its 
bitter hostility to the party of civilization and progress in 
these islands. His sentiments in regard to the American 
colon}' in Hawaii are the same as those expressed by Gov- 
ernor McDuffie in regard to the Texans in 1836, viz., that 
" having emigrated to that country, they had forfeited all 
claim to fraternal regard," and that " having left a land of 
despotism with their eyes open, they deserved their fate." 

On the future destiny of the Hawaiian Islands Mr. Blount 
does not vouchsafe a ray of light, except his remark that 
they are and must be ; ' overwhelmingly Asiatic." 




An extra session of Congress was held in Washington 
from August 7th to November 3d. There was a general ex- 
pectation that the President would give to Congress the 
results of Mr. Blount's inquiries, and recommend a course 
of policy towards Hawaii. But an impenetrable secrecy 
veiled the whole subject. Action was deferred until it would 


be too late for Congress to interfere during the extra session. 
Then the President opened a new and very remarkable chap- 
ter in the history of Hawaii. During this period of uncer- 
tainty, the ex-Queen sent Mr. E. C. Macfarlane on a secret 
mission to Washington. Arriving there September 10th, he 
was granted long and confidential interviews both with Mr. 
Blount and the Secretary of State, and thus was enabled to 
bring back exclusive information in regard to the secret 
views of the Administration. 

Late in September the Hon. Albert S. Willis of Louisville, 
Kentucky, was summoned to Washington, where he received 
his appointment as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary to Hawaii. His credentials were dated Sep- 
tember 27th. He was for three weeks in frequent intercourse 
with the President and Secretary of State, and became fully 
possessed of their views, as well as familiar with the matter 
of Blounf's Report. Mr. Willis had been in Congress from 
1876 to 1886. October iXth, he received his final instruc- 
tions, as follows : 

WASHINGTON, October 18th, 1893. 

Sir : Supplementing the general instructions which you 
have received with regard to your official duties, it is neces- 
sary to communicate to you, in confidence, special instruc- 
tions for your guidance in so far as concerns the relation of 

the Government of the United States towards the de facto 
Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

The President deemed it his duty to withdraw from- the 
Senate the treaty of annexation which has been signed by 
the Secretary of State and the agents of the Provisional 
Government, and to dispatch a trusted representative to 
Hawaii to impartially investigate the causes of the so-called 
revolution and ascertain and report the true situation in 
those Islands. This information was needed the better to 
enable the President to discharge a delicate and important 
public duty. 

The instructions given to Mr. Blount. of which you are 
furnished with a copy, point out a line of conduct to be 
observed by him in his official and personal relations on the 
Islands, by which you will be guided so far as they are 
applicable and not inconsistent with what is herein con- 

It remains to acquaint you with the President's conclu- 
sions upon the facts embodied in Mr. Blount's reports and 
to direct your course, in accordance therewith. 

The Provisional Government was not -established by the 
Hawaiian people, or with their consent or acquiescence, nor 
has it since existed with their consent. The Queen refused 
to surrender her powers to the Provisional Government until 
convinced that the minister of the United States had recog- 
nized it as the de facto authority, and would support and 
defend it with the military force of the United States, and 


that resistance would precipitate a bloody conflict with that 
force. She was advised and assured by her ministers and 
by leaders of the movement for the overthrow of her gov- 
ernment, that if she surrendered under protest her case 
would afterwards be fairly considered by the President of 
the United States. The Queen finally wisely yielded to the 
armed forces of the United States then quartered in Hono- 
lulu, relying upon the good faith and honor of the Presi- 
dent, when informed of what had occurred, to undo the 
action of the minister and reinstate her and the authority 
which she claimed as the constitutional sovereign of the 
Hawaiian Islands. 

After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's report the 
President is satisfied that the movement against the Queen, 
if not instigated, was encouraged and supported by the repre- 
sentative of this Government at Honolulu ; that he promised 
in advance to aid her enemies in an effort to overthrow the 
Hawaiian Government and set up by force a new govern- 
ment in the place, and that he kept this promise by causing 
a detachment of troops to be landed from the Botton on the 
16th of January, and by recognizing the Provisional Gov- 
ernment the next day when it was too feeble to defend itself, 
and the Constitutional Government was able to successfully 
maintain its authority against any threatening force other 
than that of the United States already landed. 

The President has, therefore, determined that he will not 
send back to the Senate for its action thereon the treaty 

which he withdrew from that body for further consideration 
on the 9th day of March last. 

On your arrival at Honolulu you will take advantage of 
an early opportunity to inform the Queen of this determina- 
tion, making known to her the President's sincere regret 
that the reprehensible conduct of the American minister and 
the unauthorized presence on land of a military force of the 
United States obliged her to surrender her sovereignty for 
the time being and rely on the justice of this Government 
to undo the flagrant wrong. 

You will, however, at the same time inform the Queen 
that when reinstated the President expects that she will 
pursue a magnanimous course by granting full amnesty to 
all who participated in the movement against her, including 
persons who are or have been officially or otherwise con- 
nected with the Provisional Government, depriving them of 
no right or privilege which they enjoyed before the so-called 
revolution. All obligations created by the Provisional Gov- 
ernment in due course of administration should be assumed. 

Having secured the Queen's agreement to pursue this wise 
and humane policy, which it is believed you will speedily 
obtain, you will then advise the executive of the Provisional 
Government and his ministers of the President's determina- 
tion of the question which their action and that of the 
Queen devolved upon him, and that they are expected to 
promptly relinquish to her her constitutional authority. 

Should the Queen decline to pursue the liberal course 


suggested, or should the Provisional Government refuse to 
abide by the President's decision, you will report the facts 
and wait further directions. 

In carrying out the general instructions, you will be guided 
largely by your own good judgment in dealing with the 
delicate situation. I am, etc., 


On the same day Mr. Gresham addressed an official letter 
to the President, in which he endorsed the conclusions of 
Mr. Blount's Report, and recommended the restoration of 
the Queen. This document with the Report, was kept 
strictly secret for one month longer, by which time it was 
fully expected that Mr. Willis would have successfully exe- 
cuted his mission. Gresham's letter was given to the press 
November 10th, and Blount's report on November 19th, both 
creating an extraordinary ferment in the United States. 

Admiral Skerrett had written July 25th to the Secretary 
of the Navy that " the government they ( the Provisional 
Government) now give the people is the best that they ever 
had. I believe in their eventual success and have implicit 
faith in them." On receipt of this, the Secretary reminded 
him of Blount's instructions, adding the words : " Protect 
American citizens and American property, but do not give 
aid physical or moral to either party contending for the 
Government at Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands." He was or- 
dered to the China station in October, exchanging places 

with Rear-Admiral John Irwin, who arrived at Honolulu, 
November 6th by the China. 

Mr. Willis arrived at Honolulu, November 4th. A time 
had been carefully selected when there would be an interval 
of three weeks, during which the Islands would be cut off 
from communication with the United States. On the 7th, 
he formally presented his credentials to President Dole, in 
the following terms : 

Mr. Blount, the late Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of the United States to your Government, 
having resigned his office while absent from his post, I have 
the honor now to present his letter of recall, and to express 
for him his sincere regret that he is unable in person to 
make known his continued good wishes in behalf of your 
people and his grateful appreciation of the many courtesies 
of which, while here, he was the honored recipient. 

I desire at the same time to place in your hands the 
letter accrediting me as his successor. In doing this I am 
directed by the President to give renewed assurances of the 
friendship, interest, and hearty good will which our Govern- 
ment entertains for you and for the people of this island 

Aside from our geographical proximity and the consequent 
preponderating commercial "interests which centre here, the 
present advanced civilization and Christianization of your 
people, together with your enlightened codes of law, stand 


to-day beneficial monuments of American zeal, courage and of this Government for the prosperity of the Hawaiian 
intelligence. Islands. May God have your excellency in His wise keep- 
It is not surprising, therefore, that the United States were ing. 

the first to recognize the independence of the Hawaiian Written at Washington, this 27th day of September, in 

Islands and to welcome them into, the great family of free the year 1893. Your good friend, 

nations. The letter of credence was as follows : 


President of the United States nf America. 

To His Excellency SANFORD B. DOLE, President of the Pro- 
visional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 


I have made choice of Albert S. Willis, one of our dis- 
tinguished citizens, to reside near the government of your 
excellency in the quality of Envoy Extraordinary and Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. He is 
well informed of the relative interests of the two countries 
and of our sincere desire to cultivate, to the fullest extent, 
the friendship which has so long subsisted between us. My 
knowledge of his high character and ability gives me entire 
confidence that he will constantly endeavor to advance the 
interests and prosperity of both governments, and so render 
himself acceptable to your excellency. 

I therefore request your excellency to receive him favor- 
ably and to give full credence to what he shall say on the 
part of the United States, and to the assurances which I 
have charged him to convey to you of the best wishes 


President Dole responded in a cordial strain. 

The friendly tone of this language tended to lull appre- 
hensions which had been felt of a possibly hostile errand of, 
the new Minister. The royalists were otherwise informed, 
and their organs insisted that Mr. Willis had come to 
enforce by arms a demand for the Provisional Government 
to abdicate in favor of Liliuokalani. No intimation of such 
action found its way to the American press. British agents 
were better informed, and a London telegram reached Auck- 
land, N. Z., November 2d, and Honolulu, November 16th, 
that " the President was drafting a message to Congress in 
favor of restoring monarchy to Hawaii." This was the first 
intimation received in Honolulu of the President's inten- 
tions. It was generally discredited. The British cruiser 
Champion, Rooke, arrived 'at Honolulu, November 
24th, and the Japanese cruiser Naniwa, December 2d. 


Already had Mr. Willis begun the execution of his mis- 
sion, but at the outset found his action obstructed by an 


unforeseen obstacle. The ex-Queen firmly refused to con- 
cede amnesty to her opponents, as an indispensable prelimi- 
nary to her restoration. By his request, the ex-Queen 
visited the Minister at the Legation on the 13th of Nov- 
ember, and a short but important private interview ensued, 
as follows : 


HONOLULU, Nov. 16th, 1893. 

Sir: In the forenoon of Monday, the 13th instant, by 
prearrangement, the Queen, accompanied by the royal cham r 
berlain, Mr. Robertson, called at the Legation. No one was 
present at the half-hour interview which followed, her cham- 
berlain having been taken to another room, and Consul- 
General Mills, who had invited her to come, remaining in 
the front of the house to prevent interruption. 

After a formal greeting, the Queen was informed that the 
President of the United States had important communica- 
tions to make to her and she was asked whether she was 
willing to receive them alone and in confidence, assuring 
her that this was for her own interest and safety. She 
answered in the affirmative. 

I then made known to her the President's sincere regret 
that, through the unauthorized intervention of the United 
States, she had been obliged to surrender her sovereignty, 
and his hope that, with her consent and cooperation, the 

wrong done to her and to her people might be redressed. 
To this, she bowed her acknowledgments. 

I then said to her, " The President expects and believes 
that when reinstated you will show forgiveness and magna- 
nimity ; that you will wish to be the Queen of all the 
people, both native and foreign born ; that you will make 
haste to secure their love and loyalty and to establish peace, 
friendship, and good government." To this she made no 
reply. After waiting a moment, I continued: "The Presi- 
dent not only tenders you his sympathy but wishes to help 
you. Before fully making known to you his purposes, I 
desire to know whether you are willing to answer certain 
questions which it is my duty to ask?" She answered, "I 
am willing." I then asked her, " Should you be restored to 
the throne, would you grant full amnesty -as to life and pro- 
perty to all those persons who have been or who are now 
in the Provisional Government, or who have been instru- 
mental in the overthrow of your government?" She hesitated 
a moment and then slowly and calmly answered: "There 
are certain laws of my Government by which I shall abide. 
My decision would be, as the law directs, that such persons 
should be beheaded and tlieir property confiscated to the 
Government." I then said, repeating very distinctly her 
words, " It is your feeling that these people should be 
beheaded and their property confiscated?" She replied, "It 
is." I then said to her, " Do you full} 7 understand the 
meaning of every word which I have said to you, and of 


every word which you have said to me, and, if so, do you 
still have the same opinion?" Her answer was, "I have 
understood and mean all I have said, hut I might leave the 
decision of this to my ministers." To this I replied, '' Sup- 
pose it was necessary to make a decision before you ap- 
pointed any ministers, and that you were asked to issue a 
royal proclamation of general amnesty, would you do it?" 
She answered, " I have no legal right to do that, and I 
would not do it." Pausing a moment she continued. "These 
people were the cause of the revolution and constitution of 
1887. There will never be any peace while they are here. 
They must be sent out of the country, or punished, and 
their property confiscated." I then said, " I have no further 
communication to make to you now, and will have none 
until I hear from my Government, which will probably be 
three or four weeks." 

Nothing was said for several minutes, when I asked her 
whether she was willing to give me the names of four of 
her most trusted friends, as I might, within a day or two, 
consider it my duty to hold a consultation with them in 
her presence. She assented, and gave these names : J. O. 
Carter, John Richardson, Joseph Nawahi and E. C. Mac- 

I then inquired whether she had any fears for her safety, 
at her present residence, Washington Square. She replied 
that she did have some fears, that while she had trusty 
friends that guarded her house every night, they were armed 

only with clubs, and that men shabbily dressed had been 
often seen prowling about the adjoining premises a school- 
house with large yard. I informed her that I was autho- 
rized by the President to offer her protection either on one 
of our "war ships or at the legation and desired her to accept 
the offer at once. She declined, saying she believed it was 
best for her at present to remain at her own residence. I 
then said to her that at any moment, night or day, this 
offer of our Government was open to her acceptance. 

The interview thereupon, after some personal remarks, was 
brought to a close. 

Upon reflection, I concluded not to hold any consultation 
at present with the Queen's friends, as they have no official 
position, and furthermore, because I feared, if known to so 
many, her declarations might become public, to her great 
detriment, if not danger, and to the interruption of the 
plans of our Government. 

Mr. J. O. Carter is a brother of Mr. H. A. P. Carter, the 
former Hawaiian Minister to the United States, and is con- 
ceded to be a man of high character, integrity, and intelli- 
gence. He is about 55 years old. He has had no public 
experience. Mr. Macfarlane, like Mr. Carter, is of white 
parentage, is an unmarried man, about 42 years old, and is 
engaged in the commission business. John Richardson is a 
young man of about 35 years old. He is a cousin of 
Samuel Parker, the half-caste, who was a member of the 
Queen's cabinet at the time of the last revolution. He is a 

resident of Maui, being designated in the directory of 1889 
as " attorney at law, stock-raiser, and proprietor Bismark 
livery stable." Richardson is " half-caste." Joseph Nawahi 
is a full-blooded native, practices law (as he told me) in the 
native courts, and has a moderate English education. He 
has served twenty years in the legislature, but displays very 
little knowledge of the structure and philosophy of the Gov- 
ernment which he so long represented. He is 51 years old, 
and is president of the native Hawaiian political club. 

Upon being asked to name three of the most prominent 
native leaders, he gave the names of John E. Bush, R. \V. 
Wilcox, and modestly added, " I am a leader." John E. 
Bush is a man of considerable ability, but his reputation is 
very bad. R. W. Wilcox is the notorious half-breed who 
engineered the revolution of 1889. Of all these men Carter 
and Macfarlane are the only two to whom the ministerial 
bureaus could be safely entrusted. In conversation with 
Sam Parker, and also with Joseph Nawahi, it was plainly 
evident that the Queen's implied condemnation of the con- 
stitution of 1887 was fully indorsed by them. 

From these and other facts whrch have been developed I 
feel satisfied that there will be a concerted movement in the 
event of restoration for the overthrow of that constitution, 
which would mean the overthrow of constitutional and 
limited government and the absolute dominion of the Queen. 

The law referred to by the Queen is Chapter VI, Section 
9 of the Penal Code, as follows : 

"Whoever shall commit the crime of treason shall suffer 
the punishment of death, and all his property shall be con- 
fiscated to the Government." 

There are, under this law, no degrees of treason. Plotting 
alone carries with it the death sentence. 

I need hardly add, in conclusion, that the tension of feel- 
ing is so great that the promptest action is necessary to pre- 
vent disastrous consequences. 

I send a cipher telegram asking that Mr. Blount's report 
be withheld for the present, and I send with it a telegram, 
not in cipher, as follows : 

" Views of the first party so extreme as to require further 

I am, etc., 


In reporting the foregoing interview, Mr. Willis suggested 
to Mr. Gresham that "Blount's report be withheld from the 
public for the present" a measure of prudence advised too 
late. The Auckland telegram led to influential persons 
making earnest inquiries of the Minister as to his inten- 
tions. He replied that "no change would take place for 
some time. Unforeseen contingencies had arisen, and farther 
communication with Washington must be had before any 
thing could be done." Great speculation at once arose as 
to the nature of the " contingencies " spoken of. No one 
guessed the truth. The disturbance and excitement of the 
public mind daily increased. The Government perfected the 





defenses of the Executive and Judiciary buildings. The 
volunteer forces were increased and improved in organiza- 
tion and equipment. 

By the Monowai, November 24th, came Gresham's letter 
to the President, urging "the restoration of the legitimate 
government " of Hawaii, on the ground of facts established 
by Blount's report. On the evening of the 25th, a very 
large and enthusiastic mass meeting was held in the drill- 
shed. Several speeches were made by prominent men, coun- 
selling resistance to the utmost. The first address was by 
Vice-President F. M. Hatch, who made a cogent argument 
to show that no such arbitration as Gresham alleged had 
ever been or could be held by the President, nor could his 
decision have any force. The following resolutions were 
adopted by the assembly : 

" Resolved, That we have read with surprise and regret the 
recommendation of the Secretary of State of the United 
States to the President, to restore the monarchy lately exist- 
ing in Hawaii. 

Resolved, That we condemn the assumption of the Secre- 
tary that the right of the Provisional Government to exist 
was terminated by his refusal to re-submit to the Senate the 
treaty of Union pending between the two countries ; and also 
his assumption that the Provisional Government had at that 
very time submitted the question of its continued existence 
to the arbitrament of the President or of any other power. 

Resolved, That we support to the best of our ability the 

Provisional Government, in resisting any attack upon it 
which may be made contrary to the usage of nations." 

On November 29th, President Dole addressed to Minister 
Willis the inquiry whether the press report of Gresham's 
letter was correct, and what were the intentions of the 
United States Government towards that of Hawaii ? On 
December 2d, Mr. Willis replied that Gresham's letter " was 
in the nature of a report to the President of the United 
States, and could only be regarded as a domestic matter, 
for which the American Minister to Hawaii was in no way 
responsible, and which he could not assume to interpret." 
He also declined to inform President Dole of the views or 
intentions of the United States Government. He had, how- 
ever, assured various persons that no action would be taken 
until an answer was received to his dispatch of November 
16th, which would not be due until the arrival of the regu- 
lar mail steamer of December 21st. This assurance served 
to allay the public apprehensions, as it was most confidently 
expected that before that date Congress would effectively 
interpose to arrest the President's proceedings. 

A Washington, in the meantime, the Hawaiian Minister, 
L. A. Thurston, on November 21st, made a sharp and 
cogent reply to Blount's attack upon himself, and exposed 
the fallacy of his main position, that " but for the support 
of the United States representative and troops the establish- 
ment of the Provisional Government would have been im- 
possible. " 


In the interim, Minister Willis held occasional conferences 
with leading adherents of the Queen, apparently in order to 
inform himself as to their characters and opinions. On 
December 5th, the ex-marshal, C. B. Wilson, called on Mr. 
Willis, and submitted a lengthy programme of proposed 
procedure to accompany the Queen's restoration. This he 
said had been submitted to leading advisers of the Queen, 
and had met their approval. It included a series of meas- 
sures of great severity towards all concerned in establishing 
the Provisional Government. 

Wilson also submitted a long list of " tried and trusted 
friends of the monarchy and the nation " who should 
form a council to aid the Queen in carrying out the pro- 
posed measures and in re-establishing herself upon the 
throne. Upon this list Mr. Willis made the following com- 
ment : 

"An analysis of the list of special advisers, whether 
native or foreign, is not encouraging to the friends of good 
government, or of American interests. This is true, both of 
the special list of advisers, and of the supplementary list. 
The Americans who for over half a century held a commanding 
place in the councils of state, are ignored, and other nation- 
alities, English especially, are placed in charge." Herein 
Mr. Willis showed himself sufficiently American to recognize 
considerations which Mr. Blount had totally ignored. 

Congress assembled on December 4th, for its regular 
session. The President's message of that date contained 

only a brief and indefinite statement concerning Hawaii, the 
essential part of which was as follows: 

"Our -only honorable course was to undo the wrong that 
had been done by those representing us, and to restore as 
far as practicable the status existing at the time of our 
forcible intervention. Our present Minister has received 
appropriate instructions to that end." 

This was the first positive information published any- 
where as to the orders of Minister Willis. It reached Hono- 
lulu on the 14th of December, by the U. S. Revenue cutter 
Corwin, which had been secretly despatched on the same 
day as the Message, with orders to Minister Willis as 
follows : 

WASHINGTON, December 3d, 1893. 


Your dispatch, which was answered by steamer on the 
25th of November, seems to call for additional instructions. 

Should the Queen refuse assent to the written conditions, 
you will at once inform her that the President will cease 
interposition in her behalf, and that while he deems it his 
duty to endeavor to restore to the sovereign the constitu- 
tional government of the islands, his further efforts in that 
direction will depend upon the Queen's unqualified agree- 
ment that all obligations created by the Provisional Govern- 
ment in a proper course of administration shall be assumed, 




MUWAl 121 . BCLL 121 . 

{RESIDENCE TaepHiM.em.fl 




PO BOX 452. 


and upon such pledges by her as will prevent the adoption 
of any measures of proscription or punishment for what has 
been done in the past by those setting up or supporting the 
Provisional Government. The President feels that by our 
original interference and what followed, we have incurred 
responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and it 
would not be just to put one party at the mercy of the 

Should the Queen ask whether if she accedes to conditions 
active steps will be taken by the United States to effect her 
restoration, or to maintain her authority thereafter, you will 
say that the President can not use force without the 
authority of Congress. 

Should the Queen accept conditions and the Provisional 
Government refuse to surrender, you will be governed by 
previous instructions. If the Provisional Government asks 
whether the United States will hold the Queen to fulfillment 
of stipulated conditions you will say, the President acting 
under dictates of honor and duty, as he has done in endea- 
voring to effect restoration, will do all in his constitutional 
power to cause observance of the conditions he has imposed. 


The Corwin was not allowed to bring any mail matter, 
but a newspaper containing the President's melange hap- 
pened to be on board. 

Minister Thurston at Washington, on the day after the 

President's message, addressed to Stereta-ry fetreshain a vigor- 
ous protest against the President's assumption of authority 
or juiisdiction to restore the Queen or in any way to inter- 
fere with the Government of Hawaii. He also sought in an 
interview with the Secretary to learn whether Minister 
Willis had been empowered to employ force in restoring the 
Queen. The Secretary was diplomatic, but left the impres- 
sion upon Mr. Thurston's mind that such force was not to 
be used. 

The attacks upon the President's action continued in Con- 
gress and in the public press with increasing severity. Reso- 
lutions were speedily passed by both Houses, requesting 
full information on Hawaiian affairs. On the 18th of Decem- 
ber, President Cleveland sent to Congress a special message 
upon the Hawaiian question, commending this subject to 
their "extended powers and wide discretion." At that 
moment the business was reaching its crisis at Honolulu. 

The essential part of the message is as follows : 


" In my recent annual message to the Congress, I briefly 
referred to our relations with Hawaii, and expressed the 
intention of transmitting further information on the subject 
when additional advices permitted. 

Though I am not able now to report a definite change in 
the actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties 


Juteljy/ cresttfed,' ; ^oth /here, and in Hawaii, and now standing providing for clemency as well as justice to all parties con- 
in the way of a solution through executive action of the cerned. The conditions suggested, as the instructions show, 
problem presented, render it proper and expedient that the contemplate a general amnesty to those concerned in set- 
matter should be referred to the broader authority and dis- ting up the Provisional Government and a recognition of 
cretion of Congress, with a full explanation of the endeavor 
thus far made to deal with the emergency, and a statement 
of the considerations which have governed my action." 

After an extended statement, based entirely on Col. 
Blount's report, the President continued as follows : 

DECEMBER 18th, 1893. 

"1 believe that a candid and thorough examination of the 
facts will force the conviction that the Provisional Govern- 
ment owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United 


A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due re- 

all its bona fide acts and obligations. 

In short, they require that the past should be buried, and 
that the restored government should reassume its authority 
as if its continuity had not been interrupted. These condi- 
tions have not proved acceptable to the Queen, and though 
she has been informed that they will be insisted upon and 
that, unless acceded to, the efforts of the President to aid 
in the restoration of her government will cease, I have not 
thus far learned that she is willing to yield them her 
acquiescence. The check which my plans have thus encoun- 
tered has prevented their presentation to the members of 
the Provisional Government, while unfortunate public mis- 
representations of the situation and exaggerated statements 

gard for our national character as well as the rights of the of the sentiments of our people have obviously injured the 

injured people requires that we should endeavor to repair, prospects of successful executive mediation. 

****** I therefore submit this communication with its accom- 

Actuated by these desires and purposes and not unmindful panying exhibits', embracing Mr. Blount's report, the evi- 

of the inherent perplexities of the situation nor of the limi- dence and statements taken by him at Honolulu, the instruc- 

tations upon my power, I instructed Minister Willis to advise tions given to both Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and 

the Queen and her supporters of my desire to aid in the correspondence connected with the affair in hand, 
restoration of the status existing before the lawless landing In commending this subject to the extended powers and 

of the United States forces at Honolulu on the 16th of wide discretion of the Congress, I desire, to add the assur- 

January last, if such restoration could be effected upon terms ance that I shall be much gratified to cooperate in any 


legislative plan which may he devised for the solution of 
the problem before us, which is consistent with American 
honor, integrity and morality." 


The unexpected arrival of the Corwin in the early morn- 
ing of the 14th created intense excitement and consternation, 
beginning a seven days of severest anxiety and apprehen- 
sion. A demand for the restoration of the deposed Queen 
was daily expected from the American Minister. It was 
believed by all parties that this demand would be supported 
by the naval forces of the warships Philadelphia and Adams, 
under the command of Admiral Irwin. The forces of those 
ships were immediately prepared and held in hourly readi- 
ness for landing. It was evident that the President had 
arranged to be beforehand with any possible interference by 
Congress with his designs. The supporters of the Govern- 
ment were fully prepared to resist to the utmost the attack 
of the United States forces. Battle was expected at any 
hour, and the strain and tension grew daily more severe. 
This state of things is described in detail in President Dole's 
letter of specifications to Minister Willis, of January llth, 
1894. It was subsequently proved that the coming demand 
was not intended to be supported by the actual use of force, 
but only by an exhibition thereof. 


On the 16th, two days after the arrival of the Corwin, 
ex-Queen came by previous appointment to the legation at 9 
A. M., accompanied by Mr. J. 0. Carter as adviser. Mr. Willis 
said, " The President expects and believes that when rein- 
stated you will show forgiveness and magnanimity." Read- 
ing over his report of their interview of November 13th, he 
asked if her views were now in any respect modified. The 
only concession she would make was to remit the capital 
punishment of her opponents, but they and their families 
must be deported, and their property confiscated. " Their 
presence and that of their children would always be a 
dangerous menace to herself and her people." She also 
insisted on being reinstated with a new Constitution similar 
to the one she had attempted to promulgate. She agreed to 
accept responsibility for the obligations of the Provisional 
Government, their military expenses to be refunded to the 
treasury out of their confiscated estates. 

On Monday the 18th, at Mr. Carter's solicitation, another 
interview was accorded to Liliuokalani. This took place at 
her residence in Washington Place, in the afternoon, Mr. 
Carter being present with Consul Mills as stenographer. 
Mr. Carter made an address, in which he urged her to 
comply that good government seemed impossible unless 
Her Majesty showed a spirit of forgiveness and magnanimity 


that the movement against her and her people embraced a 
a large and respectable portion of the foreign element in 
this community, which could not be ignored. 

The ex-Queen expressed herself as feeling that any third 
attempt at revolution on the part of those people would be 
very destructive to life and property; that her people had 
had about all they could stand of this interference with 
their rights. She continued explicitly to define her intention 
that their property should be confiscated. 

Mr. Willis made it clear that the President would insist 
upon complete amnesty and the old Constitution. 

She asked how she should know that in the future the 
country should not be troubled again as Tl haTi been in 
the past. 

The Minister replied that the United States had no right 
to look into that subject or to express an opinion upon it. 

The interview terminated, and after the report thereof 
had been duly attested, Mr. Mills informed the ex-Queen 
that the two reports of the 16th and 18th would be immedi- 
ately forwarded to the President, and his answer when 
received would be promptly made known to her. By the 
minister's orders, the Corwin was put in readiness to sail 
that evening with his despatches. 

All that morning of the 18th there had been increased stir 
of preparation on board of the Philadelphia and the Adams. 
Crowds of natives thronged the wharves in expectation of 
an immediate landing of the naval forces to restore the 

Queen. A majority of the native policemen that morning 
threw up their positions, rather than take a required oath 
to support the Government. Intense alarm pervaded the 
city all that day. 

Mr. H. F. Glade, consul for Germany called that morning 
upon Mr. Willis -and asked him to say something to allay 
the extreme tension of alarm which was paralyzing all busi- 
ness and filling the people with terror. The Minister replied 
that he was unable to say anything that he was laboring 
to the utmost to secure a result satisfactory to all parties, but 
did not expect to attain that end under forty-eight hours. 

The supporters of the Government had in the mean time 
given the Executive the strongest assurance of their desire 
and readiness to resist to the death the United States forces 
in any attempt to restore the Queen. The Government had 
at first felt hesitation in proposing to Americans to fire 
upon their own flag. The urgent appeals of American citi- 
zens, however, determined the Government to resist to the 
last, and arrangements were made accordingly. It was well 
that the ex-Queen's desires to behead and deport her oppo- 
nents had been kept secret. Farther exasperation would 
have been dangerous. 


In his repeated intercourse during the day with the ex- 
Queen, the Minister was imagined to be formulating the 
re-organization of her government. It was not imagined 


= ~*~^^SHBgH 


that she was resisting a demand for amnesty. She con- 
tinued to be obdurate. The dispatches reporting her final 
refusal of the terms were ready to go to the Corwin. Seeing 
this to be her last opportunity, her faithful friend, Mr. J. O. 
Carter, a man of conscientious character, again went to her 
and labored with her with such success that at 6 p. M. he 
was enabled to carry to Mr. Willis a written assurance that 
she would comply with all his conditions. The Corwin's 
sailing was countermanded. 

No one has questioned the integrity of Mr. Carter's inten- 
tions. But after Liliuokalani's extreme attitude became known 
about beheading and confiscation, a strong feeling arose 
against him for having labored so zealously to secure her 
restoration, after having learned her disposition. The animo- 
sity became so strong among Mr. Carter's former near asso- 
ciates who had been marked as her victims, that he was 
displaced from a responsible and lucrative business position. 

President Dole had that afternoon addressed to Mr. Willis 
the following letter : 


Sir : I am informed that you are in communication with 
Liliuokalani, the ex-Queen, with a view of re-establishing 
the monarchy in the Hawaiian Islands and of supporting 

.her pretensions to the sovereignty. Will you inform me if 
this report is true or if you are acting in any way hostile 
to this Government. 

I appreciate fully the fact that any such action upon your 
part in view of your official relations with this Government 
would seem impossible ; but as the information has come 
to me from such sources that I am compelled to notice it, 
you will pardon me for pressing you for an immediate 

Accept the assurances of distinguished consideration with 
which I have the honor to be sir, 

Your excellency's obedient, humble servant, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Mr. Willis replied next morning as follows: 


HONOLULU, Dec. 19th, 1893. 

Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I have a com- 
munication from my Government which I desire to submit 
to the President and ministers of your Government at any 
hour to-day which it may please you to designate. 

With high regard and sincere respect, I am, etc., 



ties which have so closely bound together our respective 



The President deemed it his duty to withdraw from the 

At 9:30 A. M., of the 19th, Mr. Carter brought to Mr. Senate the treaty of annexation which had been signed by 

Willis the ex-Queen's fully expressed agreement to all his the Secretary of State and the agents of your Government, 

conditions. At 1:30 P. M., the American Minister met the and to dispatch a trusted representative to Hawaii to im- 

President and Executive Council at the Foreign Office, and partially investigate the causes of your revolution, and 

read to them the following communication : ascertain and report the true situation in these islands. 

This information was needed, the better to enable the Presi- 

Ma. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN : dent to discharge a delicate and important duty. Upon the 

facts embodied in Mr. Blount's reports, the President has 

The President of the United States has very much arrived at certain conclusions and determined upon a 

regretted the delay in the consideration of the Hawaiian certain course of action with which it becomes my duty to 

question, but it has been unavoidable. So much of it as acquaint you. 

has occurred since my arrival has been due to certain condi- The Provisional Government was not established by the 

tions precedent, compliance with which was required before Hawaiian people or with their consent or acquiescence, nor 

I was authorized to confer with you. The President also has it since existed with their consent. The Queen refused 

regrets, as most assuredly do I, that any seeming secrecy to surrender her powers to the Provisional Government until 

should have surrounded the interchange of views between convinced that the Minister of the United States had recog- 

our two Governments. I may say this, however, that the nized it as the de facto authority and would support and 

secrecy thus far observed, has been in the interest and for defend it with the military force of the United States, and 

the safety of all your people. that resistance would precipitate a bloody conflict with that 

I need hardly promise that the President's action upon force. She was advised and assured by her ministers and 

the Hawaiian question has been under the dictates of honor by leaders of the movement for the overthrow of her 

and duty. It is now, and has been from the beginning, Government that if she surrendered under protest her case 

absolutely free from prejudice and resentment, and entirely would afterwards be fairly considered by the President of 

consistent with the long-established friendship and treaty the United States. The Queen finally yielded to the armed 


forces of the United States then quartered in Honolulu, interference, had incurred responsibilities to the whole Ha- 

relying on the good faith and honor of the President, when 
informed of what had occurred, to undo the action of the Min- 
ister and reinstate her and the authority which she claimed 
as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's reports the 
President is satisfied that the movement against the Queen, 
if not instigated, was encouraged and supported by the 
representative of this Government at Honolulu ; that he 
promised in advance to aid her enemies in an effort to over- 
throw the Hawaiian Government and set up by force a new 
government in its place, and that he kept this promise by 
causing a detachment of troops to be landed from the 
Boston on the 16th of January, and by recognizing the 
Provisional Government the next day when it was too feeble 
to defend itself and the Constitutional Government was able 
to successfully maintain its authority against any threatening 
force other than that of the United States already landed. 

The President has therefore determined that he will not 
send hack to the Senate for ijts action thereon the treaty 
which he withdrew from that body for further consideration 
on the 9th day of March last. 

In view of these conclusions, I was instructed by the 
President to take advantage of an early opportunity to 
inform the Queen of this determination and of his views 
as to the responsibility of our Government. 

The President, however, felt that " we, by our original 

waiian community, and that it would not be just to put one 
party at the mercy of the other. I was, therefore, instructed, 
at the same time, to inform the Queen that when reinstated, 
that the President expected that she would pursue a 
magnanimous course by granting fully amnesty to all who 
participated in the movement against her, including persons 
who are or who have been officially or otherwise connected 
with the Provisional Government, depriving them of no 
right or privilege which they enjoyed before the so-culled 
revolution. All obligations created by the Provisional Govern- 
ment in due course of administration should be assumed. 

In obedience to the command of the President I have 
secured the Queen's agreement to this course, and I -now 
read and deliver a writing signed by her and duly attested, 
a copy of which I will leave with you. 

(The agreement was here read.) 

It becomes my further duty to advise you, sir, the exe- 
cutive of the Provisional Government and your ministers, 
of the President's determination of the question, which your 
action and that of the Queen devolved upon h'irn, and that 
you are expected to promptly relinquish to her constitu- 
tional authority. 

And now, Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Provisional 
Government, with a deep and solemn ^ense of the gravity 
of the situation and with the earnest hope that your answer 
will be inspired by that high patriotism which forgets all 


self-interest, in the name and by the authority of the United 
States of America, I submit to you the question, " Are you 
willing to abide by the decision of the President ?" 

The Advisory Council were immediately summoned to con- 
ference. With the utmost promptness and unanimity, both 
councils voted to instruct President Dole to refuse compli- 
ance with the extraordinary demand of Mr. Willis in such 
terms as should be most fitting. 

As the minister's demand was not accompanied with any 
threat of coercion, as the action of the Government was decided, 
as the preparation of a suitable reply would occupy some 
days, and as the Alamedn was due in two days with probable 
news of the vigorous intervention of Congress to prevent forci- 
ble coercion, there was a material relaxation of the tension which 
had been felt for several days. The extreme crisis was past. 

The Alameda arrived on Friday the 22d. The eight days 
of anxiety came to an end. Congress had powerfully inter- 
vened. The Senate had solemnly arraigned the President 
for unconstitutional behavior. Messrs. L. A. Thurston, W. 
N. Armstrong and H. N. Castle arrived. The word was 
passed ashore "All is right," and swiftly sped up the streets 
at sunrise. Honolulu's " Black Week " was over. 


On the evening of the 23d of December, the completed 
reply of President Dole to the strange demand of the Ameri- 

can Minister was placed in the hands of Mr. Willis. The 
Minister's dispatches were completed and the Corwin sailed 
at 4 A. M. of the 24th. She was not allowed to take any 
mail, public or private. She was ordered by Mr. Willis 
to slow up, and enter the bay of San Francisco at night, in 
order to enable the President to receive this official commu- 
nication before any intimation of its character could be 
telegraphed. For several days after she was anchored out 
in the bay, and no communication allowed with the shore. 
Mr. Willis' precautions were successful, and the American 
public for several days gained no knowledge of the strange 
doings at Honolulu until January 9th. 
Mr. Dole's reply was as follows : 


HONOLULU, December 23d, 1893. 

Sir: Your excellency's communication of December 19th, 
announcing the conclusion which the President of the United 
States of America has finally arrived at respecting the appli- 
cation of this Government for a treaty of political union with 
that country, and referring also to the domestic affairs of 
these islands, has had the consideration of the Government. 

While it is with deep disappointment that we learn that 
the important proposition which we have submitted to the 
Governrrient of the United States, and which was at first 
favorably considered by it, has at length been rejected, we 


have experienced a sense of relief that we are now favored 
with the first official information upon the subject that has 
been received through a period of over nine months. 

While we accept the decision of the President of the 
United States, declining further to consider the annexation 
proposition, as the final conclusion of the present adminis- 
tration, \ve do not feel inclined to regard it as the last word 
of the American Government upon this subject, for the his- 
tory of the mutual relations of the two countries, of Ameri- 
can effort and influence in building up the Christian 
civilization which has so conspicuously aided in giving this 
country an honorable place among independent nations, the 
geographical position of these islands, and the important 
and, to both countries, profitable reciprocal commercial inter- 
ests which have long existed, together with our weakness as 
a sovereign nation, all point with convincing force to politi- 
cal union between the two countries as the necessary logical 
result from the circumstances mentioned. The conviction is 
emphasized by the favorable expression of American states- 
men over a long period in favor of annexation, conspicuous 
among whom are the names of VV. L. Marcy, William H. 
Seward, Hamilton Fish, and James G. Elaine, all former 
Secretaries of State, and especially so by the action of your 
last administration in negotiating a treaty of annexation 
with this Government and sending it to the Senate with a 
view to its ratification. 

We shall therefore continue the project of political union 

with the United States as a conspicuous feature of our 
foreign policy, confidently hoping that sooner or later it 
will be crowned with success, to the lasting benefit of both 

The additional portion of your communication referring 
to our domestic affairs with a view of interfering therein, is 
a new departure in the relations of the two governments. 
Your information that the President of the United States 
expects this Government " to promptly relinquish to her 
(meaning the ex-Queen) her constitutional authority," with 
the question " are you willing to abide by the decision of 
the President?" might well be dismissed in a single word, 
but for the circumstance that your communication contains, 
as it appears to me, misstatements and erroneous conclusions 
based thereon, that are so prejudicial to this Government 
that I can not permit them to pass unchallenged ; moreover, 
the importance and menacing character of this proposition 
make it appropriate for me to discuss somewhat fully the 
question raised by it. 

We do not recognize the right of the President of the 
United States to interfere in our domestic affairs. Such right 
could be conferred upon him by the act of this government, 
and by that alone, or it could be acquired by conquest. 
This I understand to be the American doctrine, conspicuously 
announced from time to time by the authorities of your 

President Jackson said in his message to Congress in 


1836: "The uniform policy and practice of the United 
States is to avoid all interference in disputes which merely 
relate to the internal government of other nations, and even- 
tually to recognize the authority of the prevailing party, 
without reference to the merits of the original controversy." 

This principle of international law has been consistently 
recognized during the whole past intercourse of the two 
countries, and was recently reaffirmed in the instructions 
given by Secretary Gresham to Commissioner Blount on 
March 11, 1893, and by the latter published in the news- 
papers in Honolulu in a letter of his own to the Hawaiian 
public. The words of these instructions which I refer to 
are as follows : " The United States claim no right to inter- 
fere in the political or domestic affairs or in the internal 
conflicts of the Hawaiian Islands other than as herein stated 
(referring to the protection of American citizens) or for the 
purpose of maintaining any treaty or other rights which 
they possess." The treaties between the two countries confer 
no right of interference. 

Upon what, then, Mr. Minister, does the President of the 
United States base his right of interference? Your commu- 
nication is without information upon this point, excepting 
such as may be contained in the following brief and vague 
sentences: "She (the ex-Queen) was advised and assured 
by her ministers and leaders of the movement for the over- 
throw of her government that if" she surrendered under pro- 
test her case would afterward be fairly considered by the 

President of the United States. The Queen finally yielded 
to the armed forces of the United States, then quartered in 
Honolulu, relying on the good faith and honor of the Pre- 
sident, when informed of what had occurred, to undo the 
action of the minister and reinstate her and the authority 
which she claimed as the constitutional sovereign of the 
Hawaiian Islands.' 1 Also, "it becomes my further duty to 
advise you, sir, the Executive of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, and your ministers; of the President's determination 
of the question which your action and that of the Queen 
devolved upon him, and that you are expected to promptly 
relinquish to her constitutional authority." 

I understand that the first quotation is referred to in the 
following words of the second, " which your action and that 
of the Queen devolved upon him " (the President of the 
United States), and that the President has arrived at his 
conclusions from Commissioner Blount's report. We have 
had as yet no opportunity of examining this document, but 
from extracts published in the papers and for reasons set 
forth hereafter, we are not disposed to submit the fate of 
Hawaii to its statements and conclusions. As a matter of 
fact no member of the executive of the Provisional Govern- 
ment has conferred with the ex-Queen, either verbally or 
otherwise, from the time the new Government was pro- 
claimed till now, with the exception of one or two notices 
which were sent to her by myself in regard to her removal 
from the palace and relating to the guards which the Gov- 


ernment first allowed her and perhaps others of a like 
nature. I infer that a conversation which Mr. Damon, then 
a member of the advisory council, is reported by Mr. Blount 
to have had with the ex-Queen on January 17th, and which 
has been quoted in the newspapers, is the basis of this 
astounding claim of the President of the United States of 
his authority to adjudicate upon our right as a government 
to exist. 

Mr. Damon, on the occasion mentioned, was allowed to 
accompany the cabinet of the former Government, who had 
been in conference with me and my associates, to meet the 
ex-Queen. He went informally, without instructions and 
without authority to represent the Government or to assure 
the ex-Queen "that if she surrendered under protest her case 
would afterwards be fairly considered by the President of 
the United States." Our ultimatum had already been given 
to the members of the ex-cabinet who had been in confer- 
ence with us. What Mr. Damon said to the ex-Queen he 
said on his individual responsibility and did not report it 
to us. Mr. Blount's report of his remarks on that occasion 
furnish to the Government its first information of the nature 
of those remarks. Admitting for argument's sake that the 
Government had authorized such assurances, what was "her 
case " that was afterwards to " be fairly considered by the 
President of the United States ? " 

Was it the question of her right to subvert the Hawaiian 
constitution and to proclaim a new one to suit herself, or 

was it her claim to be restored to the sovereignty, or was it 
her claim against the United States for the alleged unwar- 
rantable acts of Minister Stevens, or was it all these in the 
alternative; who can say? But if it had been all of these, 
or any of them, it could not have been more clearly and 
finally decided by the President of the United States in 
favor of the Provisional Government than when he recog- 
nized it without qualification and received its accredited 
commissioners, negotiated a treaty of annexation with them, 
received its accredited envoy extraordinary and minister 
plenipotentiary, and accredited successively two envoys extra- 
ordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to it ; the ex-Queen 
in the meantime being represented in Washington by her 
agent who had full access to the Department of State. 

The whole business of the Government with the President 
of the United States is set forth in the correspondence be- 
tween the two governments and the acts and statements Of 
the minister of this Government at Washington and the 
annexation commissioners accredited to it. If we have sub- 
mitted our right to exist to the United States, the fact will 
appear in that correspondence and the acts of our commis- 
sioners. Such agreement must 'be shown as the foundation 
of the right of your Government to interfere, for an arbitra- 
tor can be created only by the act of two parties. 

The ex-Queen sent her attorney. to Washington to plead 
her claim for reinstatement in power, or failing that for a 
money allowance or damages. This attorney was refused 


passage on the Government dispatch boat, which was sent 
to San Francisco with the annexation commissioners and 
their message. The departure of this vessel was less than 
two days after the new Government was declared, and the 
refusal was made promptly upon receiving the request there- 
for either on the day the Government was declared or on 
the next day. If an intention to submit the question of the 
reinstatement of the ex-Queen had existed, why should her 
attorney have been refused passage on this boat ? The ex- 
Queen's letter to President Harrison dated January 18, the 
day after the new Government was proclaimed, makes no 
allusion to any understanding between her and the Govern- 
ment for arbitration. Her letter is as follows : 


President of the United States : 

" MY GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND : It is with deep regret 
that I address you on this occasion. Some of my subjects 
aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty and revolted 
against the constitutional Government . of my Kingdom. 
They have attempted to depose me and to establish a pro- 
visional government in direct conflict with the organic law 
of this Kingdom. Upon receiving incontestable proof that 
his excellency the minister plenipotentiary of the United 
States, aided and abetted their unlawful movements and 
caused United States troops to be landed for that purpose) 

I submitted to force, believing that he would not have acted 
in that manner unless by the authority of the Government 
which he represents. 

"This action on my part was prompted by three reasons: 
The futility of a conflict with the United States ; the desire 
to avoid violence, bloodshed and the destruction of life and 
property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your 
Government will right whatever wrongs may have been in- 
flicted upon us in the premises. 

"In due time a statement of the true facts relating to this 
matter will be laid before you, and I live in the hope that 
you will judge uprightly and justly between myself and my 
enemies. This appeal is not made for myself personally, but 
for my people, who have hitherto always enjoyed the friend- 
ship and protection of the United States. 

" My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be 
obtained here for the purpose, and hearing of their intention 
to send a delegation of their number to present their side of 
this conflict before you, I requested the favor of sending by 
the same vessel an. envoy to you, to lay before you my 
statement, as the facts appear to myself and my loyal sub- 

"This request has been refused, and I now ask you that 
in justice to myself and to my people that no steps be 
taken by the Government of the United States until my 
cause can be heard by you. 

" I shall be able to dispatch an euvoy about the 2d of 


February, as that will be the first available opportunity 
hence, and he will reach you by every possible haste that 
there may be no delay in the settlement of this matter. 

"I pray you, therefore, my good friend, that you will not 
allow any conclusions to be reached by you until my envoy 

"I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest 


"Honolulu, January 18, 1893." 

If any understanding had existed at that time between 
her and the Government to submit the question of her re- 
storation to the United States, some reference to such an 
understanding would naturally have appeared in this letter, 
as every reason would have existed for calling the attention 
of the President to that fact, especially as she then knew 
that her attorney would be seriously delayed in reaching 
Washington. But there is not a word from which such an 
understanding can be predicated. The Government sent its 
commissioners to Washington for the sole object of procuring 
the confirmation of the recognition by Minister Stevens of 
the new Government and to enter into negotiations for poli- 
tical union with the United States. The protest of the ex- 
Queen, made on January 17, is equally with the letter 
devoid of evidence of any mutual understanding for a sub- 
mission of her claim to the throne to the United States. It 

is evidently a protest against the alleged action of .Minister 
Stevens as well as the new Government, and contains a. 
notice of her appeal to the United States. 

The document was received exactly as it would have been 
received if it had come through the mail. The indorsement 
of it? receipt upon the paper was made at the request of 
the individual who brought it as evidence of its safe de- 
livery. As to the ex-Queen's notice of her appeal to the 
United States, it was a matter of indifference to us. Such 
an appeal could not have been prevented, as the mail service 
was in operation as usual. That such a notice, and our re- 
ceipt of it without comment, should be made a foundation of a 
claim that we had submitted our right to exist as a govern- 
ment to the United States had never occurred to us until sug- 
gested to us by your Government. The protest is as follows : 

"I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the con- 
stitution of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby 
solemnly protest against any and all acts done against my- 
self and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established a 
provisional government of and for this Kingdom. 

"That I yield to the superior force of the United States 
of America, whose minister plenipotentiary, his excellency 
John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to be 
landed at Honolulu, and declared that be would support the 
said provisional government. 


" Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps 
the loss of life, I do, under this protest, and impelled by 
said force, yield my authority until such time as the Gov- 
ernment of the United States shall, upon the facts being 
presented to it, undo the action of its representative and re- 
instate me in the authority which I claim as the constitu- 
tional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

''Done at Honolulu the 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 



" Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
"Minister of Finance. 

"Minister of the Interior. 

" Attorney- General. 
"S. B. DOLE, ESQ., and others, 

" Composing the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian 

(Indorsed :) " Received by the hands of the late cabinet 
this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. Sanford B. Dole, 
chairman of executive council of Provisional Government." 

You may not be aware, but such is the fact, that at no 
time until the presentation of the claim of the President of 
the United States of his right to interfere in the internal 

affairs of this country, by you on December 19th, has this 
Government been officially informed by the United Stati-s 
Government that any such course was contemplated. And 
not until the publication of Mr. Gresham's letter to the 
President of the United States on the Hawaiian question 
had we any reliable intimation of such a policy. The 
adherents of the ex-Queen have indeed claimed from time 
to time that such was the case, but we have never been 
able to attach serious importance to their rumors to that 
effect, feeling secure in our perfect diplomatic relations with 
your country and relying upon the friendship and fairness 
of a government whose dealings with us had ever sli<nv.i 
full recognition of our independence as a sovereign power, 
without any tendency to take advantage of the disparity of 
Strength between the two countries. 

If your contention that President Cleveland believes that 
this Government and the ex-Queen have submitted their 
respective claims to the sovereignty of this country to the 
adjudication of the United States is correct, then, may I 
ask, when and where N.'s the President held his couit of 
arbitration ? This Governxent has had no notice of the 
sitting of such a tribunal and no opportunity of presenting 
evidence of its claims. If Mr. Blount's investigation were 
a part of the proceedings of such a court, this Government 
did not know it and was never informed of it ; indeed, as 
I have mentioned above, we never knew until the publica- 
tion of Secretary Gresharn's letter to President Cleveland a 


of forts, King 

few weeks ago, that the American Executive had a policy 
of interference under contemplation. Even if we had known 
that Mr. Blount was authoritatively acting as a commis- 
sioner to take evidence upon the question of restoration of 
the ex-Queen, the methods adopted by him in making his 
investigations, were, I submit, unsuitable to such an exami- 
nation or any examination upon which human interests 
were to be adjudicated. 

As I am reliably informed, he selected his witnesses and 
examined them in secret, freely using leading questions, giv- 
ing no opportunity for a cross-examination, and often not 
permitting such explanations by witnesses themselves as 
they desired to make of evidence which he had drawn from 
them. It is hardly necessary for me to suggest that under 
such a mode of examination some witnesses would be almost 
helpless in the hands of an astute lawer, and might be drawn 
into saying things which would be only half-truths, and 
standing alone would be misleading or even false in effect. 
Is it likely that an investigation conducted in this manner 
could result in a fair, full, and truthful statement of the 
case in point? Surely the destinies of a friendly Govern- 
ment, admitting by way of argument that the right of arbi- 
tration exists, may not be disposed of upon an ex parte and 
secret investigation made without the knowledge of such 
Government or an opportunity by it to be heard or even to 
know who the witnesses were. 

Mr. Blount came here as a stranger and at once entered 

upon his duties. He devoted himself to the work of collect- 
ing information, both by the examination of witnesses and 
the collection of statistics and other documentary matter, 
with great energy and industry, giving up, substantially, 
his whole time to its prosecution. He was here but a few 
months, and during that time was so occupied with this 
work that he had little opportunity left for receiving those 
impressions of the state of affairs which could best have 
come to him, incidentally, through a wide social intercourse 
with the people of the country and a personal acquaintance 
with its various communities and educational and industrial 
enterprises. He saw the country from his cottage in the 
center of Honolulu mainly through the eyes of the witnesses 
whom he examined. Under these circumstances is it pro- 
bable that the most earnest of men would be able to form 
a statement that could safely be replied upon as the basis 
of a decision upon the question of the standing of a govern- 
ment ? 

In view, therefore, of all the facts in relation to the ques- 
tion of the President's authority to interfere and concerning 
which the members of the executive were actors and eye- 
witnesses, I am able to assure your excellency that by no 
action of this Government, on the 17th day of January last, 
or since that time, has the authority devolved upon the 
President of the United States to interfere in the internal 
affairs of this country through any conscious act or expres- 
sion of this Government with such an intention. 


You state in your communication 

" After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's reports the 
President is satisfied that the movement against the Queen 
if not instigated was encouraged and supported by the repre- 
sentative of this Government at Honolulu ; that he promised 
in advance to aid her enemies in an effort to overthrow the 
Hawaiian Government and set up by force a new govern- 
ment in its place ; that he kept his promise by causing a 
detachment of troops to be landed from the Boston on the 
16th of January, 1893, and by recognizing the Provisional 
Government the next day when it was too feeble to defend 
itself and the Constitutional Government was able to success- 
fully maintain its ;uithority against any threatening force 
other than that of e United States already landed." 

Without entering into a discussion of the facts I beg to 
state in reply that I am unable to judge of the correctness 
of Mr. Blount's report from which the President's conclu- 
sions were drawn, as I have had no opportunity of examin- 
ing such Teport. But I desire to specifically and empha- 
tically deny the correctness of each and every one of the 
allegations of fact contained in the above-quoted statement ; 
yet, as the President has arrived at a positive opinion in his 
own mind in the matter, I will refer to it from his stand- 

My position, is briefly, this : If the American forces illeg- 
ally assisted the revolutionists in the establishment of the 
Provisional Government that Government is not responsible 

for their wrong-doing. It was purely a private matter for 
discipline between the United States Government and its 
own officers. There is, I submit, no precedent in interna- 
tional law for the theory that such action of the American 
troops has conferred upon the United States authority over 
the internal affairs of this Government. Should it be true, 
as you have suggested, that the American Government made 
itself responsible to the Queen, who, it is alleged lost her 
throne through such action, that is not a matter for me to 
discuss, except to submit that if such be the case, it is a 
matter for the American Government and her to settle be- 
tween them. This Government, a recognized sovereign power, 
equal in authority with the United States Government and 
enjoying diplomatic relations with it, can not be destroyed 
by it for the sake of discharging its obligations to the 

Upon these grounds, Mr. Minister, in behalf of my Gov- 
ernment I respectfully protest against the usurpation of its 
authority as suggested by the language of your communi- 

It is difficult for a stranger like yourself, and much more 
for the President of the United States, with his pressing 
responsibilities, his crowding cares and his want of fami- 
liarity with the condition and history of this country and 
the inner life of its people, to obtain a clear insight into 
the real state of affairs and to understand the social cur- 
rents, the race feelings and the customs and traditions which 


all contribute to the political outlook. We, who have grown 
up here or who have adopted this country as our home, are 
conscious of the difficulty of maintaining a stable govern- 
ment here. A community which is made up of five races, 
of which the larger part but dimly appreciate the signifi- 
cance and value of representative institutions, offers political 
problems which may well tax the wisdom of the most experi- 
enced stateman. 

For long years a large and influential part of this com- 
munity, including many foreigners and native Hawaiians, 
have observed with deep regret the retrogressive tendencies 
of the Hawaiian monarchy, and have honorably striven against 
them, and have sought through legislative work, the news- 
papers, and by personal appeal and individual influence to 
support and emphasize the representative features of the 
monarchy and to create a public sentiment favorable thereto, 
and thereby to avert the catastrophe that seemed inevitable 
if such tendencies were not restrained. These efforts have 
been met by the last two sovereigns in a spirit of aggressive 
hostility. The struggle became at length a well-defined issue 
between royal prerogative and the right of representative 
government, and most bitterly and unscrupulously has it 
been carried on in the interests of the former. The King's 
privilege of importing goods for his own use without paying 
the duties thereon was abused to the extent of admitting 
large quantities of liquors, with which to debauch the elec- 
torate. He promoted the election of Government officers, 

both executive and judicial, to the legislative assembly, and 
freely appointed to office elected members thereof. 

In the legislature of 1886, of which I was a member, the 
party supporting the Government was largely in the majo- 
rity, and nearly every member of that majority held some 
appointment from the Government, and some of them as 
many as two or three, thereby effectually placing the legisla- 
tive branch of the Government under the personal and abso- 
lute control of the King. The constitutional encroachments, 
lawless extravagance, and scandalous and open sales of pa- 
tronage and privilege to the highest bidder by Kalakaua 
brought in at length the revolution of 1887, which had the 
full sympathy and moral support of all the diplomatic repre- 
sentatives in Honolulu, including Minister Merrill, who was 
at that time President Cleveland's minister here. 

This revolution was not an annexation movement in any 
sense, but tended toward an independent republic, but, when 
it had the monarchy in its power, conservative counsels pre- 
vailed, and a new lease of life was allowed that -institution 
on the condition of royal fidelity to the new constitution, 
which was then promulgated and which greatly curtailed the 
powers of the sovereign. Kalakaua was not faithful to 
this compact, and sought as far as possible to evade its sti- 
pulations. The insurrection of 1889 was connived at by him, 
and the household guards under his control were not allowed 
to take part in suppressing it. The Princess Liliuokalaiii 
waa in full sympathy with this movement, being a party to 


it, and furnished her suburban residence to the insurgents 
for their meetings. The arrangements were there made, and 
the insurgents marched thence for their attack upon the 
Government. The affair was suppressed in a few hours of 
fighting, with some loss of life to the insurgents, by the 
party which carried through the revolution of 1887. 

The ex-Queen's rule was even more reckless and retrogres- 
sive than her brother's. Less politic than he, and with less 
knowledge of affairs, she had more determination and was 
equally unreliable and deficient in moral principle. She, to 
all appearance, unhesitatingly took the oath of office to 
govern according to the constitution, and evidently regarding 
it merely as a formal ceremony began, according to her 
own testimony to Mr. Blount, to lay her plans to destroy 
the constitution and replace it with one of her own creation. 
With a like disregard of its sanctions, she made the most 
determined efforts to control all of the appointments to 
office, both executive and judicial. The session of the legis- 
lature of 18^2 was the longest that had ever occurred in our 
history, and was characterized by a most obstinate struggle 
for person'al control of the Government and the legislature 
on the part of the Queen. This was strenuously resisted by 
the opposition. 

During this contest four ministerial cabinets were appoint- 
ed and unseated, and the lottery-franchise bill, which had 
been withdrawn early in the session for want of sufficient 
support, was at the last moment, when the opposition was 

weakened by the absence of feveral of its members, again 
brought forward and passed thifough the exercise of improper 
and illegitimate influences upon the legislators, among which 
were personal appeals on the part of the Queen to them. The 
cabinet which represented the opposition and the majority 
of the legislature which the Queen had been compelled to 
appoint was unseated by similar means, and with a new 
cabinet of her own choice the legislature was prorogued. 
This lottery franchise was of a character corresponding with 
similar institutions which have been driven out of every 
State of the American Union by an indignant public senti- 
ment. If it had been established here it would in a brief 
period have obtained full control of the Government patron- 
age and corrupted the social and political life of the people. 

Although the situation at the close of the session was 
deeply discouraging to the com in unity, it was accepted 
without any intention of meeting it by other than legal means. 
The attempted coup d'etat of the Queen followed, and her 
ministers, threatened with violence, fled to the citizens for 
assistance and protection ; then it was that the uprising 
against the Queen took place, and gathering force from day 
to day, resulted in the proclamation of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment and the abrogation of the monarchy on the third 
day thereafter. 

No man can correctly say that the Queen owed her down- 
fall to the interference of American forces. The revolution 
was carried through by the representatives, now largely 


reinforced, of the same public sentiment which forced the 
monarchy to its knees in 1887, which suppressed the insur- 
rection of 1889, and which for twenty years has been bat- 
tling for representative government in this country. If the 
American forces had been absent the revolution would have 
taken place, for the sufficient causes for it had nothing to 
do with their presence. 

I, therefore, in all friendship of the Government of the 
United States, which you represent, and desiring to cherish 
the good will of the American people, submit the answer of 
my Government to your proposition, and ask that you will 
transmit the same to the President of the United States for 
his consideration. 

Though the Provisional Government is far from being 
"a great power" and could not long resist the forces of the 
United States in a hostile attack, we deem our position to 
be impregnable under all legal precedents, under the princi- 
ples of diplomatic intercourse, and in the forum of conscience. 
We have done your Government no wrong ; no charge of 
discourtesy is or can be brought against us. Our only issue 
with your people has been that, because we revered its in- 
stitutions of civil liberty, we have desired to have them ex- 
tended to our own distracted country, and because we honor 
its flag and deeming that its beneficent -and authoritative 
presence would be for the best interests of all of our people, 
we have stood ready to add our country, a new star, to its 
glory, and to consummate a union which we believed would 

be as much for the benefit of your country as ours. If this 
is an offense, we plead guilty to it. 

I am instructed to inform you, Mr. Minister, that the 
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands respectfully 
and unhesitatingly declines to entertain the proposition of 
the President of the United States that it should surrender 
its authority to the ex-Queen. 

This answer is made not only upon the grounds herein- 
before set forth, but upon our sense of duty and loyalty to 
the brave men whose commissions we hold, who have faith- 
fully stood by us in the hour of trial, and whose will is the 
only earthly authority we recognize. We can not betray 
the sacred trust they have placed in our hands, a trust 
which represents the cause of Christian civilization in the 
interests of the whole people of these islands. 

With assurances of the highest consideration, 
I have, etc., 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS, 

U. S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. 


On the 12th of January, Secretary Gresham instructed 
Mr. Willis that "you will until farther notice consider that 
your special instructions have been fully complied with." 


On the 27th of December, the Arawa from Vancouver 
brought to Honolulu the special message of the President of 
the. 5th, and there for the first time was it learned that Mr. 
Willis' strange delay to act had been caused by the ex- 
Queen's refusal of amnesty. The knowledge of her desire to 
" behead " did not arrive until a month later, when it elicited 
many denunciations of her as a "Dyak head-hunter" and 
the like. It is harder to define the mental attitude of Presi- 
dent Cleveland, when he persisted in his effort to reinstate 
such a monarch after her mental condition had thus been 
laid open to him. 

Under date of January 2d, 1894, Admiral Irwin wrote to 
the Secretary of the Navy that " Mr. Willis has never given 
me the slightest hint that there was ever any intention on 
the part of the United States Government to use foree in 
order to restore the Queen. My own orders to preserve strict 
neutrality have been implicitly obeyed." 


Growing out of the events above recorded, there ensued a 
correspondence continued for several weeks between Presi- 
dent Dole and Minister Willis. The nature of that corres- 
pondence is fully stated in the appended letter of Mr. Dole 
of January llth, 1894, known as his "Letter of Specifica- 
tions." It is of great historical importance, embracing a 
review of the whole course of action of Messrs. Cleveland, 

Gresham, Blount, and Willis towards the Provisional Gov- 
ernment of Hawaii. It is as follows : 

HONOLULU, H. I., Jan. llth, 1894. 

To His Excellency ALBERT S. WILLIS, United States Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
communication dated January 1st, instant, in which you 
refer to my communication to you dated December 27th as 
"containing statements which I am fully prepared to show 
are not warranted by the facts, seriously affecting the Presi- 
dent of the United States and the representatives of the 
United States in this country ; and that these charges and 
statements, if accepted as the official views of your Govern- 
ment, demanded prompt answer and equally prompt action 
on the part of the Government of the United States, to the 
end that the condition of affairs therein described should be 
removed by the removal of the alleged causes." 

You also refer to the intervening correspondence between 
us, stating that my above-mentioned communication "brings 
for the first time the official information that the warlike 
preparations described by you were caused by and intended 
for the diplomatic and military representatives of the United 



You further state that, believing that upon further con- 
sideration I would realize the great injustice of my state- 
ments, you, on the 29th ult., wrote suggesting the with- 
drawal of my communication of the 27th ult., and your 
reply, and that no copies be given to the public or made a 
record of by either Government ; and on the 31st stated to 
Mr. Damon that your note to me was "prompted by. no 
improper or unfriendly spirit, but was intended to continue 
the amicable relations heretofore existing." 

You further state that in my letter of December 29th, there 
is no "withdrawal or modification of the statements com- 
plained of, but on the contrary, an expression of readiness, 
implying ability, to furnish the specifications requested." 

You also acknowledge the receipt of my note to you, dated 
January 1st, stating that it was not my intention to with- 
draw any of my letters, 'which note you state is unsigned 
by me. The omission of the signature was unintentional. 

You conclude by stating that "I have now to ask that 
you furnish me at your earliest convenience with the desired 
specifications, as I wish to make immediate answer." 

I will comply with your request. Before doing so, how- 
ever, I desire to say, in reply to your communication of the 
1st inst., that I have made no " charges " against the Presi- 
dent of the United States or its representatives. On the 
contrary, in order that there might be no misapprehension 
concerning the matter, I specifically stated in my communi- 
cation to you of the 27th ultimo, " that I do not claim or 

intimate that this unfortunate situation has been intention- 
ally created by you or by the Government which you repre- 
sent." I still disclaim any intention of charging you or 
your Government with intent to produce the results and 
conditions described in my communication of December 27th. 

The object of my communication to you was to formally 
bring to your attention certain facts and conditions existing 
in this country, what, in my opinion, were the causes of the 
same, and to obtain from you such information and assur- 
ances as would tend to allay the prevailing excitement and 

Concerning your statement above referred to, that my 
communication of December 27th contains statements which 
you are fully prepared to show are not warranted by the 
facts, I would say that it would give me great pleasure to 
become convinced that the alleged conditions and facts re- 
ferred to by me did not in truth exist. The matters herein- 
after stated constitute in part the basis for my belief in the 
existence of the conditions referred to, and the causes pro- 
ducing the same ; but I shall be glad to receive from you 
any evidence tending to remove from my mind the belief 
that they or any of them did exist, and assure you that 
upon becoming convinced that 'I am under misapprehension 
concerning any of such alleged facts, the allegations con- 
cerning the same will be immediately withdrawn. 

Concerning your statement that my letter of December 
29th contains "no withdrawal or modifications of the etate- 


ments complained of," you will pardon me if I say that I 
was not aware that any complaint had been made concern- 
ing any statement made by me, your reply having been 
primarily directed to eliciting more specific information 
concerning certain points. 

Referring to the suggestion contained in your note of the 
29th, and your interview with Mr. Damon, that I withdraw 
my communication of December 27th, I would say that to 
do so would have been in the nature of an admission that 
the statements therein contained were incorrect, which unfor- 
tunately in the absence of the information which you say 
you are prepared to present, and with certain other evidence 
before me, it was impossible for me to do. 

Allow me to assure you that it is with deep gratification 
that I received your assurance that your communication to 
me of the 29th of December was prompted by no improper 
motive or unfriendly spirit, but was intended to continue the 
amicable relations heretofore existing and to further assure 
you that this and all other communications from this Gov- 
ernment are written in the same spirit, and I trust that no 
statement presenting the claims and views of this Govern- 
ment concerning any matter of law or fact, may, by reason 
of its directness and distinctness be construed as otherwise 
than of a similar character. 

In compliance with your request for certain specifications 
concerning ray letter of December 27th, I reply thereto as 
follows : 

First. You inquire as to the meaning of the word "atti- 
tude" as used in my letter. 

I reply that the word was used by me in its ordinarily 
accepted sense, meaning the bearing, the posture as indicat- 
ing purpose of those referred to. 

You further say : 

"Will you point out where and when and how the repre- 
sentative of the United States assumed any attitude toward 
the supporters of the Provisional Government or that Gov- 
ernment itself, other than one essentially and designedly 
expressive of peace?" 

In reply I would say that the attitude of a person is to 
be ascertained only by inferences drawn from the known 
words and acts of such person, and the conditions and cir- 
cumstances under which they take place. 

Some of the words and actions of the United States and 
its representative in this connection, arid the conditions and 
circumstances attendant thereupon, from which its intentions 
and attitude toward the Provisional Government must be in- 
ferred, are as follows : 

1. A treaty of annexation had been negotiated between 
the Provisional Government and the United States Govern- 
ment and presented to the Senate for ratification. This 
treaty was withdrawn by President Cleveland immediately 
upon his entering office without prior notice to this Govern- 
ment or its representatives of his intention so to do, or of 
his reasons for such action. 


2. Immediately thereafter the President appointed Hon. 
James H. Blount a special commissioner to Hawaii to inves- 
tigate the condition of affairs at Hawaii. 

The knowledge of such appointment was withheld from 
the representatives of the Government at Washington. The 
press having announced the appointment, the Hawaiian re- 
presentatives applied to the State department for information 
concerning the same. The Secretary of State refused to state 
the objects of the mission or even to admit that a commis- 
sioner had been appointed. 

3. On the 19th day of June, 1893, Mr. Thurston, Hawai- 
ian Minister at Washington, addressed a communication to 
Mr. Gresham, Secretary of State, in which the following 
language is used, viz.: 

"I am directed by my Government to represent to you 
that, while the Hawaiian Government has full confidence in 
the good faith of the United States towards Hawaii in and 
concerning its treatment of the relations between the two 
countries, it seems proper that it should be informed as to 
the effect the present uncertainty as to the ultimate course 
to be pursued has upon the situation in Hawaii. 

"The long continued delay and uncertainty keeps the en- 
tire community in a feverish state of mind, by reason of 
which business is seriously affected, capital is rendered 
timid, thereby hampering all enterprises which are conduct- 
ing; their business on credit ; the Government's credit and 
ai.ility to borrow is prejudiced; the expenses of the Govern- 

ment are largely increased by the necessity of m intaining 
a considerable armed force for the protection of public order, 
and the enemies of the Government are encouraged to con- 
spire against law and order, all of which is highly prejudi- 
cial and injurious, not only to the Hawaiians, but to- the 
very large amount of American capital invested in Hawaii, 
and the mutual trade now being conducted between the two 

''It is important for the Hawaiian Government to know 
the intentions of the United States Government concerning 
annexation at as early a date as possible ; as, if annexation 
is not to take place, the methods of treating local conditions 
in Hawaii must be radically different from those to be pur- 
sued if annexation is to take place. 

" It is also important that, whatever the intentions of the 
United States Government may be, concerning the subject 
matter, the Hawaiian Government be informed what such 
intentions are before the same are made public, in order 
that it may consider the situation with full knowledge of all 
its aspects, and decide upon such course of action as may 
be necessary to preserve order and protect the interests of 
the people of Hawaii. 

" For the reasons above stated I respectfully request that 
a decision may be arrived at and communicated as speedily 
as is consistent with the interests of the United States." 

No reply has ever been made to such communication. 

4. Upon the arrival of Mr. Blount in the country he did 


not communicate or in any manner intimate to the Hawai- 
ian Government that his investigations were to be directed 
toward the right of existence of the Government to whom he 
was accredited. All of his investigations and examinations 
were private, and such persons only were examined as he 
chose to call. 

5. An examination of his report since published, shows 
that there are statements made by approximately sixty Roy- 
alist and twenty supporters of the Provisional Government. 

That he had obtained no statement from the four mem- 
bers of the Cabinet voted out three days before the revolu- 
tionary attempt of the Queen, although he has obtained 
exhaustive statements from their Royalist successors. 

That he has examined only two of the thirteen members 
of the Committee of Safety, one of the original four mem- 
bers of the Executive Council of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, three of the original fourteen members of the Advisory 
Council, two of the eight speakers who addressed the mass 
meeting called by the Committee of Safety on the day prior 
to the establishment of the Provisional Government, and but 
one of the eight field and staff officers, and none of the 
seventeen line officers in command of the forces of the Pro- 
visional Government, and none of the five commissioners 
sent to Washington, although all of such men omitted to be 
examined were eye witnesses and active participants in the 
overthrow of -the monarchy nnd the establishment of the 
Provisional Government, and are men of character and 

standing in the community, while a number of those exam- 
ined on the royalist side are irresponsible characters 

6. Upon the loth day of May, 1893, Mr. Blount, without 
first communicating to this Government what his instruc- 
tions were or his intention so to do, published his official 
instructions in a Honolulu newspaper in the form of an 
address "to the People of the Hawaiian Islands," and con- 
cluded with the following words: "While I shall refrain 
from interference between conflicting forces, of whatever na- 
tionality, for supremacy, I will protect American citizens 
not participating in such conflict." 

7. Although Mr. Blount's report is official in character, 
vitally affects this Government, is distinctly hostile to it in 
tone and conclusions, no request to this Government for 
explanation of the charges therein made was received, nor 
opportunity to reply thereto, or notice of its contents given 
prior to its publication. The first information concerning 
the contents of such report was obtained by this Government 
through published extracts in American papers, dated No- 
vember 20th last, no official copy thereof being furnished the 
Hawaiian Minister at Washington until November 25th, and 
none received by this Government at Honolulu until Decem- 
ber 22nd last, such copies having been furnished only after 
several applications therefor to the State department. 

8. On November 7, you having arrived in Honolulu, pre- 
sented your credentials to this Government as American 
Minister, with the usual declaration! of friendship and ngard, 


and were duly received and acknowledged. Simultaneously 
therewith, Admiral Skerrett was suddenly and unexpectedly 
removed, and Rear-Admiral Irwin appointed to the com- 
mand of the American naval forces in Honolulu. Such 
change was almost universally interpreted by the press of 
the United States as having a bearing upon the contem- 
plated execution of the announced policy of the President 
concerning Hawaii. The extract hereafter contained, from 
the New York Herald, is a sample of the interpretation 
placed thereon by the press of your own country favorable 
to such policy. 

I do not claim or intimate that the personnel of the com- 
manding officer of the United States forces is of any concern 
to the Government, nor suggest that the interpretation placed 
thereon by the American press is correct, nor that your Gov- 
ernment is responsible for such interpretation. This in- 
cident is mentioned simply as part of the res gestie of the 
case which this Government had before it, and as one of 
the many things which it was obliged to consider in draw- 
ing its inferences as to what the intentions of your Gov- 
ernment were. 

9. Upon the 8th of November last the New York Herald 
published a statement from its Washington correspondent, 
from which I make the following extracts : 

"A diplomatic bombshell will burst within the next few 
days and the report will be heard throughout the entire 

"The bomb will be thrown by an accredited representa 
tive of the United States Government, and he will hurl it 
against the badly conceived and worse managed Provisional 
Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

'' If Minister Willis and Rear-Admiral Irwin arrived in 
Honolulu on schedule there would be even livelier times in 
the capital city of the Hawaiian Islands to-day than there 
is in the metropolis of the United States. * * * 

" Brie-fly stated, the present administration will do all in 
its power to restore the condition of affairs which existed in 
Hawaii at the time Minister Stevens * * * brought 
about the overthrow of Queen Liliuokalani. * * * 

" The same force, that of the United States Government, 
which made the Provisional Government possible has sus- 
tained taem in power to this day. They could not have 
made the revolution of which they were the head center, a suc- 
cess except for the support given them by the administration 
in Washington, and there is every reason to believe * * * 
that the Provisional Government would have gone down 
long ago but for this same support. * * * 

"The fact that a new Minister has been sent to Honolulu 
to succeed Minister Stevens and that Rear Admiral Irwin 
has been sent to relieve Commodore Skerrett, has been ac- 
cepted in many instances as an inkling of the Administra- 
tion's policy towards Hawaii. 

" This means that the Queen will be restored to her 
throne and the Provisional Government, representing only a 


small part of the people of Hawaii, will soon be a thing of 
the past." 

I do not intimate that the United States Government is 
responsible for the utterances of the Herald, but cite the 
above as one of several instances in which information of 
intended acts on the part of your Government vital to this 
Government has been denied to this Government, and first 
been made known to it through the public press. 

10. On Nov. 11 the papers of the United States published 
a letter from the Secretary of State to the President, dated 
Oct. 18, 1893. No previous notice had been given to this 
Government of the contents of such letter or of the intention 
to make it public. 

In that letter the Secretary, referring to the initiation of 
this Government, says : 

" They relied on no military force of their own, for they 
had none worthy of the name. The Provisional Government 
was established by the action of the American Minister and 
the presence of the troops landed from the Boston, and its 
continued existence is due to the belief of the Hawaiians 
that if they made an effort to overthrow it they would en- 
counter the armed forces of the United States. 

"The earnest appeals to the American Minister for mili- 
tary protection by the officers of the Provisional Government 
after it had been recognized show the utter absurdity of the 
claim that it was established by a successful revolution Of 
the people of the Islands. 

"These appeals were a confession by the men who made 
them of their uneasiness and timidity. Courageous men, 
conscious of their strength and the justice of their cause. 
do not thus act. 

"Should not the great wrong done to a feeble hut inde- 
pendent state by an abuse of the authority of the United 
States be undone by restoring the legitimate Government ? 
Anything short of that will not, I respectfully submit,-satisfy 
the demands of justice * * * Our Government was 
the first to recognize the independence of the Islands, and 
it should be last to acquire sovereignty over them by force 
and fraud." 

You have intimated in your communication dated Decem- 
ber 2d that the foregoing letter, " being a domestic trans- 
action, is not the subject of diplomatic representation," whirh 
statement you have reiterated in your communication of 
January 1st. 

I must submit, however, that an official communication 
from the Chief of the Department of State to the President, 
in which he charges "this Government and its officers with 
conspiracy, weakness,- timidity and fraud, and recommends 
its subversion, which letter is officially furnished to and 
published by the public press, without any information con- 
cerning the same being afforded -to this Government, is not a 
"domestic transaction," and is pre-eminently a proper subject 
for inquiry on the part of this Government, as to the intentions 
of your Government concerning the subject matter. 


11. On November 14th, Mr. Thurston, Hawaiian Minister 
at Washington, called upon the Secretary of State and in- 
quired if the ahove letter was authentic, and was assured 
by Mr. Gresham that it was. 

Mr. Thurston then said : 

"I am not at liberty at present to answer that question. 
It is a matter concerning which I will speak to the Presi- 
dent and talk with you more fully this afternoon." 

In the afternoon of the same day Mr. Gresham further 
said to Mr. Thurston : 

"I have already answered your first question to the effect 
that the letter published (Secretary Gresham to the Presi- 
dent) was authentic and a correct statement of the policy of 
the United States. AB to your second question, as to whether 
force is to be used by the United States to restore the Queen, 
all that I am at liberty to state is that Mr. Willis has no 
instructions to do anything which will cause injury to life 
or property of anyone at the islands. Further than this that 
I am not at liberty to state what his instructions are. You 
can draw your own inferences from my statement and allay 
any apprehension which may have been caused by what has 
been published." 

Mr. Thurston further said to Mr. Gresham : 

" Your answer does not convey the information which I 
requested. What I desire is to obtain information which 
will guide my Government in their action. If they know 
that force is to be used by you their course of action will 

necessarily be different from what it otherwise would be. 
The definite information from me that you intend to use 
force may be the means of preventing them from using force 
and causing bloodshed." 

To which Mr. Gresham replied : 

" Our relations in the past have been pleasant and I want 
them to continue to be so in the future, and to be perfectly 
courteous to you, but I cannot at present answer you more 
fully than I have." 

12. On the 16th of last November there was published in 
the Honolulu Star an interview with you, with the accom- 
panying statement that the proofs had been revised by you. 
The following are extracts therefrom, purporting to be state- 
ments made by you : 

"You are authorized to say from me that no change in 
the present situation will take place for several weeks. I 
brought with me certain instructions. * * * Shice my 
arrival here contingencies have arisen about which neither 
the United States Government nor myself were aware when 
I left Washington. * * * I forwarded my dispatches to 
Washington b) 1 to-day's steamer, and until I receive an 
answer to them no change will take place in the present 
situation ' nor will any be allowed.' " 

" What do you mean by the expression ' nor will any be 

"I mean just this: that until the time comes for me to 
carry out my instructions the peace and good order of this 


community will be kept undisturbed in the interests of you to a delegation of the American League, in which the 

humanity. That any attempt made by any person or per- following words are stated to have been used by you: 
sons to make trouble will be promptly checked and pun- " I have my instructions, which I cannot divulge. * * * 

ished. You may put the matter more plainly and say that But this much I can say : That the policy of the United 

even if the Provisiorxal Government discharged the whole of States is already formulated regarding these islands, and 

its troops to-day no lawlessness would be allowed for one that nothing which can be said or done, either here or there, 

moment under the present situation of affairs." 


" The whole Hawaiian "question is now in abeyance and 

can avail anything now. I do not come here as did Mr. 
Blount. I come here as an executive officer. I come to act. 
When the proper time conies I shall act. * * * I wish 

nothing the newspapers can say or do will alter the situa- to state positively that any outside interference will not be 

tion one iota. 

There is not the- slightest necessity tolerated by the United States." 

for any one to stay out of bed nights for fear of any trouble I am not aware that you have ever disavowed the correct- 

of any kind, for none will be permitted." 

ness of this report. 

In the Honolulu Bulletin of November 17th last there is 14. On November 29th last, having that day for the first 

published what purports to be a letter signed by yourself, time received information through the Hawaiian Minister at 

in which you state concerning the above-mentioned inter- Washington of the contents of Mr. Gresham'e letter to the 

view: "The interview in the Star was submitted to me, President and of his statements concerning the same, and 

but I did not scrutinize it carefully. It contains several his refusal to state whether it was the intention of your 

expressions which are misleading, due, I am sure, not to Government to carry out its policy by force, I called upon 

any intention on the part of the writer." 

you, in company with the Attorney-General, stated to you 

There is no specification as to what the misleading por- the substance of my information, and asked you what the 
tions are, although you have since verbally informed me intentions of your Government were in relation to Mr. Gres- 
in substance that you did not intend to use such words and ham's recommendations. You replied that you were not at 

had no intention of exercising authority inconsistent with 
that of the Government. 

liberty to tell us, but would do so as soon as you could. 
15. Immediately thereafter I addressed a communication 

13. On November 17th last the Hawaiian Star published to you revoking the general permission theretofore granted 
a statement purporting to be a report of remarks made by to the United States forces to land for drill, and a further 


communication formally stating to you the information re- 
ceived by me concerning said letter of Mr. Gresham and 
asking you the following questions : 

" I desire to inquire of you whether the published reports 
of such letter of Secretary Gresham are substantially correct? 
If they are I feel that it is due this Government that it 
should be informed of the intention of your Government in 
relation to the suggestions contained in the said letter of Mr. 

On December 2nd you replied to such letter stating that, 
"as to the letter of Mr. Gresham, I have the honor to call 
your attention to the fact, as shown by you, that it is a 
communication from a member of the Cabinet to the Pre- 
sident of the United States, and being a domestic transaction 
is not the subject of diplomatic representation. Answering 
your note further, I must, express my sincere regret that 
it is not in my power at present to inform you of the views 
or intentions of the United States." 

16. On December 4 last, President Cleveland transmitted 
his annual message to Congress, in which the following lan- 
guage was used concerning Hawaii : 

Referring to Mr. Blount's report he said, "Upon the facts 
developed it seemed to me the only honorable course for our 
Government to pursue was to undo the wrong that had been 
done by those representing us, and to restore,' as far as prac- 
ticable, the status existing at the time of our forcible inter- 
vention. With a view of accomplishing this result within 

the constitutional limits of executive power, * * * cr? 
present Minister at Honolulu has received appropriate in- 
structions to that end." 

17. On December 14th last the United States dispatch 
boat Conoin arrived in Honolulu from San Francisco, bring- 
ing dispatches to yourself. No mail was allowed to be 
brought by her, but the press of Honolulu obtained from 
persons on board of her and published the above extract 
from the President's message. But for such accidental in- 
formation, no information concerning the same would have 
been obtained by this Government until the arrival of the 
Alameda- on December 22d. 

Up to the time of the arrival of the Corwin the United 
States naval officers in port were in the habit of coming 
ashore in citizen's dress. The crews received the usual 
liberty on shore and no unusual warlike preparations were 
visible on board. 

Immediately upon the arrival of the Corwin the liberty 
of the crews was stopped, as was that of most of the officers. 
Those who came on shore were in service uniform. Rifles 
were stacked, cartridge belts were filled with ball cartridges 
and knapsacks packed for immediate use were conspicuous 
on the decks of the ships, and were seen there by visiting 
citizens, who, in reply to inquiry as to the meaning of such 
preparations, were informed by the officers that they were 
ready to land at a moment's notice. When asked if the 
landing would be to protect or fight UB, the reply of the 


officers of the Philadelphia was that no one on board knew 
what orders would be received. 

18. It was known at this time that several of the wives 
of the United States naval officers temporarily in Honolulu 
were packing up their baggage preparatory for immediate 
removal in view of possible hostilities. 

19. It was also known that you were in frequent com- 
munication with the ex-Queen, and leading royalists were 
constantly reiterating that you were going- to immediately 
restore the Queen by force. 

As a sample of the innumerable assertions of this char- 
acter is the following, made by Mr. J. O. Carter, the ex- 
Queen's most trusted councillor and confidant, a gentleman 
who was then known to be in consultation with you and 
the ex-Queen, and who appears as the attesting witness, to 
the exclusion of the former members of her cabinet, to her 
proposition of amnesty hereunder referred to. 

Mr. Carter warned his nephew, Mr. C. L. Carter, a sup- 
porter of the Provisional Government, that restoration was 
certain, that force would be used by the United States for 
that purpose, and that he ought to consider the rights of 
his family and not risk his life in opposing the inevitable. 

This information was from one of the sources from which 
numerous prophesies of future action on the part of the 
United States had emanated, with almost invariable correct- 

20. It was the almost well-nigh universal belief in the 

city that you were about to attempt to land the naval 
forces of the United States to enforce the execution of the 
President's policy. 

In anticipation thereof, for a number of days, the wharves 
were lined with crowds of people, among them prominent 
royalists, waiting to see the United States troops land to 
restore the Queen. 

21. On December 18th Mr. H. F. Glade, Consul for Ger- 
many, called upon you and in substance asked if you could 
not speak out and relieve the public from the state of 
extreme tension they were in, which was becoming unbear- 
able, to which you replied in substance that you were aware 
of the conditions and were making every effort to bring the 
matter to a speedy determination, and would act within 
forty-eight hours'. 

22. On December 16th, it being reported that the Corwin 
was, at an early date, to return to San Francisco, the 
Attorney-General called upon you, stating that there would 
be no regular mail for nearly three weeks and asked per- 
mission to forward Hawaiian Government dispatches by her, 
which permission you refused, stating that your instruc- 
tions would not permit it. 

23. On December 18th, Major Wodehouse, the British 
Minister, and Mr. Fujii, the Japanese diplomatic representa- 
tive, both asked permission to land troops from their respec- 
tive warships for the purpose of protecting their respective 
legations, which permission was granted by the Government. 


24. In view of the existing condition, Mr. Fujii, the 
Japanese diplomatic representative, sent word to a number 
of prominent American supporters of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, offering the use of the Japanese legation as a refuge 
for their families in case of hostilities. 

25. On December 18th last, I addressed to you a commu- 
nication containing the following words : " I am informed 
that you are in communication with Liliuokalani, the ex- 
Queen, with a view of re-establishing the monarchy in the 
Hawaiian Islands and of supporting her pretensions to the 
sovereignty. Will you inform me if this report is true or 
if you are acting in any way hostile to this Government. 
* * * You will pardon me for pressing you for an imme- 
diate answer." 

26. On December 19th you called upon, and made a 
verbal address to me, furnishing me with a manuscript copy 
of your remarks, from which I make the following extracts : 

" The President also regrets, as do I, that any secrecy 
should have surrounded the interchange of views between 
our two Governments. I may say this, however, that the 
secrecy thus far observed has been in the interest and for 
the safety of all your people. * * * 

Upon the facts embodied in Mr. Blount's reports, the Pre- 
sident has arrived at certain conclusions and determined 
upon a certain course of action with which it becomes my 
duty to acquaint you : 

"The Provisional Governwent was not established by the 

Hawaiian people or with their consent or acquiescence, nor 
has it since existed with their consent. * * * (Other 
reasons are set forth for the conclusions reached). 

"In view of these conclusions I was instructed by the 
President to take advantage of an early opportunity to in- 
form the Queen of this determination and of his views as to 
the responsibility of our Government. * * * 

"I was instructed at the same time to inform the Queen 
that when reinstated that the President expected that she 
would pursue a magnanimous course by granting full 
amnesty to all who participated in the movement against 
her. * * * 

" In obedience to the command of the President I have 
secured the Queen's agreement to this course. * * * 

" It becomes my further duty to advise you, sir, the Execu- 
tive of the Provisional Government, and your Ministers, of: 
the President's determination of the question which your 
action and that of the Queen devolved upon him, and that 
you are expected to promptly relinquish to her constitu- 
tional authority. And now, Mr. President and Gentlemen 
of the Provisional Government, with a deep and solemn 
sense of the gravity of the situation, * * * in the name 
and by the authority of the United States of America, I 
submit to you the question : Are you willing to abide by 
the decision of the President?" 

27. Upon the 23d of December I replied to the foregoing 
communication in the negative. 


tip to the time of sending you my communication of 
December 27th no further communication had been received 
by me from you, and no assurance had been received that 
force was not to be used nor what your further intentions 
were concerning this Government. 

28. During your nearly two months' residence in this 
city you and your family have declined the customary social 
courtesies usually extended to those occupying your official 
position, on the specified ground that it was not deemed 
best under existing circumstances to accept such civilities. 

I do not for a moment intimate that such a course is im- 
proper or that it is a subject for criticism. It is simply 
referred to by me as an existing fact bearing upon your 
relations to this Government and germane in considering the 
question of your attitude thereto. It would not have been 
referred to by me except in response to your inquiry. 

In the absence of specific, definite information as to the 
intentions of your Government, the foregoing are some of 
the facts from which this Government has been obliged to 
infer what such intentions were, and which, considered as 
a whole constitute the " attitude " toward this Government. 

It may be that the proper logical deduction and inference 
from the foregoing facts is that the "attitude" of the United 
States and its representative toward the Provisional Gov- 
ernment is and has been " one essentially and designedly 
expressive of peace." It will give me the greatest pleasure 
to receive assurances to that effect ; but I submit that under 

the circumstances and in the absence of such assurances they 
are capable of another construction, to a sufficient extent, 
at least to warrant the question which I have asked you in 
my communication of December 27th. Your second request 
for information is as follows : 

" You assert that at the time of my arrival in this coun- 
try the forces of this Government were organized and amply 
sufficient to suppress any internal disorder. Will you in- 
form me what connection this statement has, or is designed 
to have, with the Government of the United States, or with 
the future action of its representative?" 

I reply that there are two reasons for the said statement- 
First, that already stated in my letter of December 17th, 
that " in consequence of your attitude the enemies of the 
Government believing in your intentions to restore the 
monarchy, by force have become emboldened, etc.," and 
second, that by reason of my inability to ascertain whether 
your Government proposed to use force in support of its 
policy of restoration I was obliged to act as though it did 
so intend; as a result of which-this Government has been 
obliged to increase its forces and has been subjected to the 
necessity of increased watchfulness and large additional 
expense, but which for such attitude would have been 

The effect which I had hoped this communication might 
have upon the future action of the representative of the 
United States was that he might give such assurances that 


such additional watchfulness and expense might be ayoided. 

Your third request is for the time, place and subject matter 
of the "language" used by yourself in public and in commu- 
nication to this Government. The answer to this is covered 
by my reply to your first inquiry. 

Your fourth inquiry is as to what particular words in the 
published letter from Secretary Gresham and in the President's 
message, and which message of the President, I referred to. 

I reply that certain of the words of the Secretary and Presi- 
dent which I deem pertinent to the subject matter have already 
been quoted in my reply to your first inquiry, although there 
are others obviously bearing on the same subject. 

I have already replied to you that I referred to the Presi- 
dent's first message in my letter dated the 27th, having actually 
been written on the 26th of December and forwarded to you be- 
fore I had knowledge of the contents of the second message. 

Your fifth inquiry is as to the time and contents of your 
communications which were " ambiguous." I have enume- 
rated them in my reply to your first inquiry. The ambiguity 
consists in the reiterated statement that you proposed to do 
some act and carry out certain instructions, which all the 
surrounding circumstances indicated were inimical to this 
Government, without stating what that act or what those 
instructions were, and while presenting and speaking assur- 
ances of friendship and amity, without the. consent of this 
Government negotiating with its enemies for its subversion, 
and declining to utate what your intentions were. 

Such utterances and actions were so inconsistent one with 
the other with international rules of comity and the past 
relations and international policy of the two Governments, 
as to be not only ambiguous, but incomprehensible to this 

Your sixth inquiry is as to when, where and to whom you 
declared that you intended to do some act when the proper 
time arrived. The reply to your first inquiry covers this 

Your seventh inquiry is to the time and manner when the 
Government has sought the assurance that force would not 
be used. The answer is contained in my reply to your first 

You finally ask my " careful consideration " of the follow- 
ing statement contained in my letter. 

" Your action has unfortunately aroused the passions of all 
parties and made it probable that disturbances may be cre- 
ated at any moment," and say that you " refuse to believe 
that upon re-examination you (I) will feel at liberty to affix 
your (my) official signature to such an extraordinary declar- 

In reply I beg to state that I have resided in this country 
for nearly fifty years, and had intimate personal knowledge 
of the conditions prevailing during the riot of 1874 and the 
revolutions of 1887, 1889 and 1893, and with all deliberation 
I state of my own knowledge that during such periods there 
has never been a time when the country has been subjected 


to such strain and excitement as during the eight days fol- 
lowing the arrival of the Corwin. The business of the entire 
community was practically suspended and its time and energy 
devoted to an exciting and absorbing consideration of the 
political situation and to military preparation to meet un- 
known contingencies, which state of tilings has since been 
fortunately allayed by advices from America furnished in re- 
ports of the President's special Hawaiian message to Congress 
and his instructions to your Excellency, information which 
made a satisfactoiy and favorable response to the inquiry of 
my letter to you of December 27th. 

I also state with equal deliberation that such condition 
was produced and maintained by reason of your actions and 
declarations and the actions and declarations of your Govern- 
ment and the circumstances and uncertainties attendant there- 
upon, as detailed in my letter of December 27th and herein. 

I make the statement in no spirit of unfriendliness to you or 
your Government, but as an historical fact, which, if not al- 
ready known to you, should, in the interests of both countries, 
be made known to you. 

In conclusion, I beg to refer to the statement in your com- 
munication of January 1st, wherein you state that it is a source 
of ''sincere and profound regret" that my letter '' brings for 
the first time the official information that the warlike prepara- 
tions described by you were caused by a'nd intended for the 
diplomatic and military representatives of the United States." 

In reply, 1 would say that such regret on your part at re- 

ceiving such information cannot exceed the sincerity and pro- 
foundness of my own regret that such a condition should exist. 

Such regret on my part is only equalled by inability to un- 
derstand how it has come about that a Government and a com- 
munity which is to-day more closely connected with the United 
States by ties of commerce, friendship and blood than any other 
lying beyond its borders, which values your friendship above 
that of all other nations, which fully admits and appreciates 
the many and deep obligations which it is under to your Gov- 
' 'eminent and people, which has done you and your country no 
wrong, has been forced into a position where, in defense of their 
very right to exist, they have been obliged to take up arms to 
meet the possible hostility of that country, whose flag they re- 
vere and whose principles of liberty they love. 

I cannot but believe that it has arisen through a misunder- 
standing of facts on the part of your Government, and a 
mutual apprehension of motives and intentions, which may, I 
sincerely hope, at an early day, be cleared away. 

Allow me, in closing, to thank you, Mr. Minister, for your 
frequent expressions of personal regard and for the evident 
sincerity of purpose displayed by you under recent trying cir- 
cumstances, and to assure you of my deep appreciation thereof. 

1 have the honor to assure you. that, with highest considera- 
tion, I am 

Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

Minister of Foreign AJfain, 





HONOLULU, H. L, July 17th, 1893. 

The HON. WALTER Q. GKESHAM, Secretary of State, Washing- 
ton, U. C. 

Sir: On the llth of March, 1893, I was appointed by the 
President of the United States as Special Commissioner to the 
Hawaiian Islands. At the same time the following instruc- 
tions were given to me by you : 


On the 29th of the same month I reached the City of Hono- 
lulu. The American Minister, the Hon. John L. Stevens, ac- 
companied by a committee from the Annexation Club, came on 
board the vessel which had brought me. He informed me that 
this club had rented an elegant house, well furnished, and pro- 
vided servants and a carriage and horses for my use; that I 
could pay for this accommodation just what I chose, from 
nothing up. He urged me very earnestly to accept the offer. 
I declined it, and informed him that I should go to a hotel. 

The committee soon after this renewed the offer, which I 
again declined. 

Soon afterward the ex-Queen, through her Chamberlain, ten- 
dered her carriage to convey ine to niy hotel. This I courte- 
ously declined. 

I located myself at the Hawaiian Hotel. For several days I 
Was engaged receiving calls from persons of all classes and of 
various political views. I soon became conscious of the fact 
that all minds were quietly and anxiously looking to see what 
action the Government of the United States would take, 

The troops from the Boston were doing military duty for the 
Provisional Government. The American flag was floating over 
the Government building. Within it the Provisional Govern- 
ment conducted its business under an American protectorate, to 
be continued, according to the avowed purpose of the American- 
Minister, during negotiations with the United States for annex- 

My instructions directed me to make inquiries which, in the 
interest of candor and truth, could not be done when the minds 
of thousands of Hawaiian citizens were full of uncertainty as to 
what the presence of American troops, the American flag and 
the American protectorate implied. It seemed necessary that 
all these influences must be withdrawn before those inquiries 
could be prosecuted in a manner befitting the dignity and 
power of the United States. 

Inspired with such feelings and confident no disorder would 
ensue, I directed the removal of the flag of the United States 
from the Government building and the return of the American 
troops to their vessels. This was accomplished without any 
demonstration of joy or grief on the part of the populace. 

The afternoon before, .in an interview with President Dole, in 
response to my inquiry, he said that the Provisional Govurn- 


ment was now able to preserve order, although it could not 
have done so for several weeks after the proclamation establish- 
ing it. 

In the evening of the same day the American Minister called 
on me with a Mr. Walter G. Smith, who, he said, <iesired to 
make an important communication to me and whom he knew 
to be very intelligent and reliable. Thereupon Mr. Smith, 
with intense gravity, informed me that he knew beyond doubt 
that it had been arranged between the Queen and the Japanese 
Commissioner that if the American flag and troops were re- 
moved the troops from the Japanese man-of-war Naniwa would 
land and reinstate the Queen. 

Mr. Smith was the editor of the Hawaiian Star, established 
by the Annexation Club for the purpose of advocating annexa- 

The American Minister expressed his belief in the statement 
of Mr. Smith, and urged the importance of the American 
troops remaining on shore until I could communicate with you 
and you could have the opportunity to communicate with the 
Japanese Government and obtain from it assurances that Japa- 
nese troops would not be landed to enforce any policy on the 
Government or people of the Hawaiian Islands. 

I was not impressed much with these statements. 

When the Japanese Commissioner learned that the presence 
of the Japanese man-of-war was giving currency to suggestions 
that his Government intended to interfere with domestic affairs 
here, he wrote to his Government asking that the vessel be or- 

dered away, which was done. He expressed to me his deep 
regret that any one should charge that the empire of Japan, 
having so many reasons to value the friendship of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, would consent to offend that Gov- 
ernment by interfering in the political conflicts in these islands, 
to which it was averse. 

In the light of subsequent events I trust the correctness of 
my action will be the more fully justified. 

The Provisional Government left to itB own preservation, the 
people freed from any fear of free intercourse with me in so far 
as my action could accomplish it, the disposition of the minde 
of all people to peace pending the consideration by the Govern- 
ment of the United States as to what should be its action in 
connection with affairs here, cleared the way for me to com- 
mence the investigation with which I was charged. 

The causes of the revolution culminating in the dethrone- 
ment of the Queen and the establishment of the Provisional 
Government, January 17th, 1893, are remote and proximate. 
A brief presentation of the former will aid in a fuller appre- 
hension of the latter. 


On the 18th of February, 1874, David Kalakaua was pro- 
claimed King. In 1875 a treaty of commercial reciprocity 
between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands was rati- 
fied, and the laws necessary to carry it into operation were 
enacted in 1876. It provided, as you are aware, for the free 
importation into the United States of several articles among 


which was muscavado, brown, and all other unrefined sugars, 
syrups of sugar cane, melada, and molasses, produced in the 
Hawaiian Islands. 

From it there came to the islands an intoxicating increase of 
wealth, a new labor system, an Asiatic population, an aliena- 
tion between the native and white races, an impoverishment of 
the former, an enrichment of the latter, and the many so-called 
revolutions, which are the foundation for the opinion that 

stable government cannot be maintained. 


In the year 1845, under the influence of white residents, the 
lands were so distributed between the Crown, the Government, 
the chief?, and the people as to leave the latter with an insigni- 
ficant interest in lands 27,830 acres. 

The story of this division is discreditable to King, chiefs, 
and white residents, but would be tedious here. The chiefs 
became largely indebted to the whites, and thus the foundation 
for the large holdings of the latter was laid. 

Prior to 1876 the Kings were controlled largely by such men 
as Dr. Judd, Mr. Wyllie, and other leading white citizens 
holding positions in their Cabinets. 

A King rarely changed his Cabinet. The important offices 
were held by whits men. A feeling of amity existed' between 
the native and foreign races unmarred by hostile conflict. 
It should be noted that at this period the native generally 
knew how to read and write his native tongue, into which the 
Bible and a few English works were translated. To this, 

native newspapers of extensive circulation contributed to the 
awakening of his intellect. He also generally read and wrote 

From 1820 to 1866 missionaries of various nationalities, 
especially American, with unselfishness, toil, patience, and 
piety, had devoted themselves to the improvement of the 
natives. They gave them a language, a religion, afld an im- 
mense movement on the lines of civilization. In process of 
time the descendants of these good men grew up in secular pur- 
suits. Superior by nature, education, and other opportunities, 
they acquired wealth. They sought ie succeed <x> the political 
control exercised by their fathers. The reveresd missionary 
disappeared. In his stead there came the Anglo-Saxon in the 
person of his son, ambitious to acquire wealth and to continue 
that political control reverently conceded to hie pious ancestor. 
Hence, in satire, the native designated him a " missionary," 
which has become a campaign phrase of wonderful potency. 
Other white foreigners came into the country, especially Ameri- 
cans, English, and Germans. These, as a rule, did not bocouse 
naturalized and participate in the voting franchise. Business 
and race affiliation occasioned sympathy and co-operation be- 
tween these two classes of persons of foreign extraction. 

Does this narration of facts portray a situation in a Govern- 
ment in whole or in part representative favorable to the ambi- 
tion of a lender who will espouse the native cause? Would it 
be strange for him to stir the native heart by picturing a 
system of political control under which the foreigner had 


w ickedly become possessed of the soil, degraded free labor by 
an uncivilized system of coolie labor, prostituted society by 
injecting into it a people hostile to Christianity and the civili- 
zation of the nineteenth century, exposed their own daughters 
to the evil influences, of an overwhelming male population of a 
degraded type, implanted Japanese and Chinese women almost 
insensible, to feelings of chastity, and then loudly boasted of 
their Christianity? 

On the other hand, was it not natural for the white race to 
vaunt their wealth and intelligence, their Christian success in 
rescuing the native from barbarism, their gift of a Government 
regal in name but containing many of the principles of free- 
dom ; to find in the natives defective intelligence, tendencies to 
idolatry, to race prejudice, and a disposition under the influ- 
ence of white and half-white leaders to exercise political domi- 
nation ; to speak of their thriftlessness in private life and 
susceptibility to bribes in legislative action ; to proclaim the 
unchasteness of native women, and to take at all hazards the 
direction of public affairs from the native? 

With such a powerful tendency to divergence and political 
strife, with its attendant bitterness and exaggerations, we must 
enter upon the field of inquiry pointed out in your instructions. 

It is not my purpose to take up this racial controversy at its 
!>irth, but when it had reached striking proportions and power- 
fully acted in the evolution of grave political events culminat- 
ing in the present status. Nor shall I relate all the minute 
details of political controversy at any given period, but only 

such and to such extent as may illustrate the purpose just 

It has already appeared that under the Constitution of 18o2 
the Legislature consisted of two bodies one elected by the 
people and the other chosen by the King and that no pro- 
perty qualifications hindered the right of suffrage. The King 
and people through the two bodies held a check on each other. 
It has also been shown that in 1864 by a royal proclamation a 
new Constitution, sanctioned by a Cabinet of prominent white 
men, was established, restricting the right of suffrage and com- 
bining the representative and nobles into one body. This 
latter provision was designed to strengthen the power of the 
Crown by removing a body distinctly representative. This 
instrument remained in force twenty-three years. The Crown 
appointed the nobles generally from white men of property and 
intelligence. In like manner the King selected his Cabinet. 
These remained in office for a long series of years and directed 
the general conduct of public affairs. 

Chief Justice Judd of the Supreme Court of the Hawaiian 
Islands, in a formal statement, uses this language : 

"Under every Constitution prior to 1887 the Ministers were 
appointed by the King and removed by him ; but until Kala- 
kaua's reign it was a very rare thing that any King changed 
his Ministry. They had a pretty long lease of political life. 
My father was Minister for seven or ten years, and Mr. Wyllie 
for a longer period. It was a very rare political occurrence 
and made a great sensation when a change was made. Under 


Kalakaua things were different. I think we had twenty-six 
different Cabinets during his reign." 

The record discloses thirteen Cabinets. Two of these were 
directly forced on him by the reformers. Of the others, six 
were in sympathy with the reformers and eminent in their 
confidence. The great stir in Cabinet changes commenced 
with the Gibson Cabinet in 1882. He was a man of large in- 
formation, free from all suspicion of bribery, politically ambi- 
tious, and led the natives and some whites. 

It may not be amiss to present some of the criticisms against 
Kalakaua and his party formally filed with me by Prof. W. D. 
Alexander, a representative reformer. 

On the 12th of February, 1874, Kalakaua was elected King 
by the Legislature. The popular choice lay between him and 
the Queen Dowager. 

In regard to this, Mr. Alexander says that "the Cabinet and 
the American Party used all their influence in favor of the 
former, while the English favored Queen Emma, who was 
devoted to their interest." 

Notwithstanding there were objections to Kalakaua's charac- 
ter, he says: "It was believed, however, that if Queen Emma 
should be elected there would be no hope of our obtaining a 
reciprocity treaty with the United States." 

He gives an account of various .obnoxious measures advo- 
cated by the King which were defeated. 

In 1882 he says the race issue was raised by Mr. Gibson, and 
only two white men were elected to the Legislature on the Islands. 

A bill prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors to natives 
was repealed at this session. 

A $10,000,000 loan bill was again introduced, but was 
shelved in committee. The appropriation bill was swelled to 
double the estimated receipts of the Government, including 
$30,000 for coronation expenses, besides large sums for military 
expenses, foreign embassies, etc. 

A bill was reported giving the King power to appoint Dis- 
trict Justices, which had formerly been done by the Justices 
of the Supreme Court. 

A million of dollars of silver was coined by the King, worth 
84 cents to the dollar, which was intended to be exchanged for 
gold bonds at par, under the loan act of 1882. This proceed- 
ing was enjoined by the court. The Privy Council declared 
the coin to be of the legal value expressed on their face, subject 
to the legal-tender act, and they were gradually put into circu- 
lation. A profit of $150,000 is said to have been made on this 

In 1884 a reform Legislature was elected. A lottery bill, an 
opium-license bill and an $8,000,000 loan bill were defeated. 

In the election for the Legislature of 1886 it is -alleged that 
by the use of gin, chiefly furnished by the King, and by the use 
of his patronage, it was carried against the reform party; that 
out of twenty-eight candidates, twenty-six were office-holders 
one a tax assessor and one the Queen's secretary. There was 
only one white man on the Government ticket Gibson's son- 
in-law. Only ten reform candidate* were elected. In this 


Legislature an opium bill was passed providing for a license for 
four years, to be granted by the Minister of the Interior, with 
the consent of the King, for $30,000 per annum. 

Another act was passed to create an Hawaiian Board of 
Health, consisting of five native doctors, appointed by the 
King, with power to issue certificates to native kahunas (doc- 
tors) to practice medicine. 

A $2,000,000 loan bill was passed, which was used largely in 
taking up bonds on a former loan. 

It is claimed that in granting the lottery franchise the King 
fraudulently obtained $75,000 for the franchise, and then sold 
it to another person, and that subsequently the King was com- 
pel led to refund the same. 

These are the principal allegations on which the revolution 
of 1887 is justified. 

None of the legislation complained of would have been con- 
sidered a cause for revolution in any one of the United States, 
but would have been used in the elections to expel the authors 
from power. The alleged corrupt action of the King could 
have been avoided by more careful legislation and would have 
been a complete remedy for the future. 

The rate of taxation on real or personal property never ex- 
ceeded 1 per cent. 

To all this the answer comes from the reformers : " The na- 
tive is unfit for government, and his power must be curtailed." 

The general belief that the King had accepted what is termed 
tha opium bribe and th folium of hit efforts to unite the Sa- 

moan Islands with his own kingdom had a depressing influence 
on his friends, and his opponents used it with all the effect 
they could. 

The last Cabinet prior to the revolution of 1887 was anti- 
reform. Three of its members were half castes; two of them 

were and are recognized as lawyers of ability by all. 


The amendments in the Constitution of 1887 disclose : 
First A purpose to take from the King the power to appoint 
nobles and to vest it in persons having $3,000 worth of unin- 
cumbered property or an annual income above the expense of 
living of $600. This gave to the whites three-fourths of the 
vote for nobles and one-fourth to the natives. 

The provisos to the fourtk section of Article 59 and Article 
62 have this significant application. Between the years 1878 
and 1886 the Hawaiian Government imported from Madeira 
and the Azores Islands 10,216 contract laborers, men, women, 
and children. Assume, for convenience of argument, that 2,000 
of these were males of twenty years and upward. Very few of 
them could read and write. Only three of them were natural- 
ized up to 1888, and since then only five more have become so. 
The remainder are subjects of Portugal. These were admitted 
to vote on taking the following oath and receiving the accom- 
panying certificate : 


Hawaiian Islands, 

Island of , District of w. : 

I, ..............! agd. , oatire ot >i 


at , in said district, do solemnly swear, in the presence of 

Almighty God, that I will support the Constitution of the Hawaiian King- 
dom, promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July, 187, and the 
laws of said kingdom. Not hereby renouncing, but expressly reserving, 

all allegiance and citizenship now owing or held by me. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 

A.D. 18.... 


Hawaiian Islands, 

Island of , District of , ss. : 

I, the undersigned, Inspector of Elections, duly appointed and com- 
missioned, do hereby certify that , aged , a native 

of , residing at , in snid district, has this 

day taken before me the oatii to support the Constitution of tbe Hawaiian 
Kingdom, promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July, and the 
laws of said kingdom. 

,18 Inspector of Election. 

These ignorant laborers were taken before the election from 
the cane fields in large numbers by the overseers before the 
proper officer to administer the oath, and then carried to the 
polls and voted according to the will of the plantation mana- 
ger. Why was this done? In the language of Chief Justice 
Judd, " to balance the native vote with the Portuguese vote." 
This same purpose is admitted by all persons here. Again, 
large numbers of Americans, Germans, English, and other for- 
eigners un naturalized were permitted to vote under the fore- 
going form. 

Two-thirds of this number were never naturalized, but voted 
under the above form of oath and certificate. They were citi- 
zens of the United States, Germany, and Gfeat Britain, invited 
to vote under this Constitution to neutralize further the native 

voting strength. This same action was taken in connection 
with other European populations. 

For the first time in the history of the country the number 
of nobles is made equal to the number of representatives. This 

day of . ... , furnished a veto power over the representatives of the popular 
, Inspector of Election. 

vote to the nobles, who were selected by persons mostly hold- 
ing allegiance, and not subjects of the kingdom. The election 
of a single representative by the foreign element gave to it the 

The power of appointing a cabinet was left with the King. 
His power to remove one was taken away. The removal could 
only be accomplished by a vote of want of confidence by a 
majority of all the elective members of the Legislature. The 
tenure of office of a cabinet minister henceforth depends on the 
pleasure of the Legislature, or, to speak practically, on the 
favor of certain foreigners, Americans and Europeans. 

Then it is declared that no act of the King shall have 
any effect, unless it be countersigned by a member of the 
cabinet, who by that signature makes himself responsible. 
Power is taken from the King in the selection of nobles, not to 
be given to the masses, but to the wealthy classes, a large 
majority of whom are not subjects of the kingdom. Power to 
remove a cabinet is taken away from him, not to be conferred 
on a popular body, but on one designed to be ruled by foreign 
subjects. Power to do any act was taken from the King, unless 
by a member of the cabinet. This instrument was never sub- 
mitted to the people for appproval or rejection, nor was it ever 


contemplated by its friends and promoters, and of this no man 
will make issue. 

Prior to this revolution, large quantities of arms bad been 
brought by a secret league from San Francisco, and placed 
among its members. The first election under this Constitution 
took place with the foreign population well armed and the 
troops hostile to the crown and people. The result was the 
election of what was termed a reform Legislature. The mind 
of an observer of these events notes henceforth a division of 
the people by the terms native and foreigner. It does not 
import race hostility simply. It is founded rather upon the 
attempted control of the country by a population of foreign 
origin and zealously holding allegiance to foreign powers. It 
had an alliance with natives of foreign parentage, some of 
whom were the descendants of missionary ancestors. Hence 
the terms "foreigner" and "missionary" in Hawaiian politics 
have their peculiar significance. 

Foreign ships of great powers lying in the harbor of Hono- 
lulu to protect the persons and property of their citizens, and 
these same citizens left by their Government without reproof 
for participation in such events as I have related, must have 
restrained the native mind, from a resort to physical force. Its 
means of resistance was naturally what was left of political 

In 1890 a Legislature was elected in favor of a new Constitu- 
tion. The calculation of the reformers to elect all the nobles 
failed, owing to a defection of whites, especially among the 

intelligent laboring classes in the City of Honolulu, who wer6 
qualified to vote for nobles under the income clause. The 
cabinet installed by the revolution was voted out. A new 
Cabinet in harmony with the popular will, was appointed and 
remained in power until tl/ie death of the King in I Sill. 

In 1892 another Legislature was elected. Thrum's Hand- 
book of Information for 1893, whose author, a^ reformer and 
annexationist, is intelligent, and in the employ of the Provi- 
sional Government, and whose work is highly valued by all 
persons, says, concerning the election : 

The result brought to the Legislature three rather evenly 
balanced parties. This, with an admixture of self-interest in 
certain quarters, has been the means of much delay in the 
progress of the session, during which there have been no less 
than three new cabinets on " want-of-confidence " resolutions. 

Judge Widemann of the National Reform Party divides the 
Legislature up thu* : "Three parties and some independents- 
the National Reform, Reform, and Liberal." There were nine 
members of the National Reform Party, fourteen members of 
the Reform, twenty-one Liberals, and four independents. 

The Lilerals 'avored the old mode of selecting nobles, the 
National Reform Party was in favor of a new Constitution 
reducing the qualification of voter for nobles, and the Reform 
Party was in opp. sition to 1 oth these ideas. 

There were a number of members of all these faction-* 
aspiring to be cabinet officers. This made certain individuals 
ignore party lines and form combinations to advance personal 


interests. The Reform Party seized upon the situation and 
made suoh combinations as voted out cabinet after cabinet 
until finally what was termed the Wilcox Cabinet was ap- 
pointed. This was made up entirely of reformers. Those 
members of the National Reform and Liberal Parties who had 
been acting with the Reform Party to this point, and expecting 
representational the cabinet, being disappointed, set to work to 
vot* out this cabinet, which was finally accomplished. 

There was never a time when the Reform Party had any 
approach to a majority of members of the Legislature. 

Let it be borne in mind that the time now was near at hand 
when the Legislature would probably be prorogued. Whatever 
cabinet was in power at the time of the prorogation had control 
of public affairs until a new Legislature should assemble two 
years afterward and longer, unless expelled by a vote of want of 

An anti-reform cabinet was appointed by the Queen. Some 
faint struggle was made toward organizing to vote out this 
cabinet, but it was abandoned. The Legislature WMS prorogued. 
The reform members absented themselyes from the session of 
that day in manifestation of their disappointment in the loss of 
power through the cabinet for the ensuing two years. 

The letters of the American Minister and naval officers sta- 
tioned at Honolulu in 18J2 indicate that any failure to appoint 
a Ministry of the Reform Party would produce a political 
crisis. The voting out of the Wilcox Cabinet produced a discon- 
tent among the reformers verging very closely toward one, and 

had more to do with the revolution than the Queen's proclama- 
tion. The first was the foundation, the latter the opportu- 

In the Legislatures of 1890 and 1892 many petitions were 
filed asking for a new Constitution. Many were presented to 
the King and Queen. The discontent with the Constitution of 
1887 and eagerness to escape from it controlled the elections 
against the party which had established it. Divisions on the 
mode of changing the Constitution, whether by legislative 
action or by Constitutional Convention, and the necessity for a 
two-thirds vote of the Legislature to effect amendments, pre- 
vented relief by either method. Such was the situation at 
the prorogation of the Legislature of 1892. 

This was followed by the usual ceremonies at the palace 
on the day of prorogation the presence of the Cabinet, Su- 
preme Court Judges, Diplomatic Corps, and troops. 

The Queen informed her cabinet of her purpose to pro- 
claim a new Constitution, and requested them to sign it. 

From the best information I can obtain the changes to 
the Constitution of 1887 were as follows : 

Art. 20. By adding to exceptions : Members of the Privy 
Council, Notary Public, agents to take acknowledgments. 

Art. 22. By adding Princes Kawananakoa and Kalani- 
anaole as heirs to the throne. 

Art. 46. Changing the session of the Legislature to the 
month of April. 

Art. 49. That the Queen shall sign and approve all bills 


and resolutions, even to those that are voted when passed 
over her veto. 

Art. 56. Pay of Representatives raised to $500 instead of 
$250 for biennial term. 

Art. 57. The Queen shall appoint the nobles, not to ex- 
ceed twenty-four. 

Art. 60. The Representatives may be increased from 
twenty-four, as at present, to forty-eight. 

Art. 72. Only subjects shall vote. 

Art. 6. The term of appointment of the Supreme Court 
Judges, not for life, as before, but for six years. 

Art. 75. The appointment of Governors of each island for 
four-years term. 

Her Ministers declined to sign, and two of them communi- 
cated to leading reformers (Mr. L. A. Thurston, Mr. W. O. 
Smith, and others) the Queen's purpose and the position of 
the cabinet. Finding herself thwarted by the position of the 
cabinet, she declared to the crowd around the palace that 
she could not give them a new Constitution at that time on 
account of the action of her Ministers, and that she would 
do so at some future time. This was construed by some to 
mean that she would do so at an early day when some un- 
defined, favorable opportunity should occur, and by others 
when a new Legislature should assemble and a new cabinet 
might favor her policy, or some other than an extreme and 
revolutionary course could be resorted to. 

It seems that the members of the Queen's Cabinet, after 

much urging, prevailed upon her to abandon the idea of 
proclaiming a new Cons'.itution. The co-operation of the 
cabinet appears to have been, in the mind' of the Queen, 
necessary to give effect to her proclamation. This method 
had been adopted by Kamehameha V, in proclaiming the 
Constitution of 1864. The Constitution of 1887 preserved 
this same form, in having the King proclaim that Constitu- 
tion on the recommendation of the cabinet, which he had 
been prevailed upon by a committee from the mass meeting 
to appoint. 

Tne leaders of the movement urged the members of the 
Queen's Cabinet not to resign, feeling assured that until they 
had done so the Queen would not feel that the power rested 
in her alone to proclaim a new Constitution. In order to 
give further evidence of her purpose to abandon the design 
of proclaiming it, a proclamation was published on the 
morning of the 16th of January, signed by herself and her 
Ministers, pledging her not to do so and was communicated 
to Minister Stevens that morning. 

The following papers were among the files of the legation 
when turned over to me : 


HONOLULU, H. L, Jan. 16, 1893. 

SIR: I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency a 
copy of a " By Authority " notice issued this morning by 


her Majesty's Ministers under her Majesty's sanction and 

I have the honor' to be, with the highest respect, your 
Excellency's obedient servant, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

To His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS, United States Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. 


Her Majesty's Ministers desire to express their apprecia- 
tion for the quiet and order which have prevailed in this 
community since the events of Saturday, and are authorized 
to say that the promulgation of a new Constitution was 
under stress of her native subjects. 

Authority is given for the assurance that any changes 
desired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought 
only by methods provided in the Constitution itself. 

Her Majesty's Ministers request all citizens to accept the 
assurance of her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is 



Minister of Foreign Affairs. 


Minister of Finance. 


Minister of the Interior. 



On the same day a mass meeting of between fifteen hundred 
and two thousand people assembled, attended by the leading 
men in the Liberal and National Reform parties, and adopted 
resolutions as follows : 

Resolved, That the assurance of her Majesty the Queen con- 
tained in this day's proclamation is accepted by the people as 
a satisfactory guarantee that the Government does not and 
will not seek any modification of the Constitution by any other 
means than those provided in the organic law. 

Resolved, That, accepting this assurance, the citizens here 
will give their cordial support to the Administration and in- 
dorse them in sustaining that policy. 

To the communication inclosing the Queen's proclamation 
just cited, there appears to have been made no response. On 
the next day, as if to give further assurance, the following 
paper was sent to Mr. Stevens : 

SIR : The assurance conveyed by a royal proclamation by 
myself and Ministers yesterday having been received by my 
native subjects, and by them ratified at a mass meeting, was 
received in a different spirit by the meeting representing the 
foreign population and interests in my kingdom. It is now 


my desire to give your Excellency, as the diplomatic represen- 
tative of the United States of America at my Court, the solemn 
assurance that the Constitution will be upheld and maintained 
by me and my Ministers, and no changes will be made except 
by the methods therein provided. 

I desire to express to your Excellency this assurance in the 
spirit of that friendship which has ever existed between my 
kingdom and that of the Government of the United States of 
America, and which, I trust, will long continue. 


By the Queen : 


Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Minister of Finance. 

Minister of the Interior. 

lolani Palace. Honolulu, Jan. 17, 1893. 

His Excellency JOHN L. STEVENS, United States Envoy Extra- 
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. 

On the back of the first page of this communication, written 
in pencil, is the word " Declined." Immediately under the 
signature of the Attorney-General, also in pencil is written 
"1:30 to 1:45," and at the end on the second and last page 

this sentence, written in ink, appears : " Received at the U. S. 
Legation about 2 P. M" 

The cabinet itself could not be moved for two years, and the 
views of its members were well known to be against establish- 
ing a new Constitution by proclamation of the Queen and 

Nearly all of the arms on the Island of Oahu, in which 
Honolulu is situated, were in the possession of the Queen's 
Government. A military force, organized and drilled, occupied 
the station house, the barracks, and the palace the only points 
of strategic significance in the event of a conflict. 

The great body of the people moved in their usual course. 
Women and children passed to and fro through the streets, 
seemingly unconscious of any impending danger, and yet there 
were secret conferences held by a small body of men, some of 
whom were Germans, some Americans, and some native-born 
subjects of foreign origin. 

On Saturday evening, the 15th of January, they took up the 
subject of dethroning the Queen and proclaiming a new Gov- 
ernment, with a view of annexation to the United States. 

The first and most momentous question with them was to 
devise some plan to have the United States troops landed. Mr. 
Thurston, who appears to have been the leading spirit, on 
Monday sought two members of the Queen's Cabinet and urged 
them to head a movement against the Queen, and to ask 
Minister Stevens to land the troops, assuring them that in such 
an event Mr. Stevens would do so. Failing to enlist any of the 


Queen's Cabinet in the cause, it was necessary to devise some 
other mode to accomplish this purpose. A committee of safety, 
consisting of thirteen members, had been formed from a little 
body of men assembled in W. O. Smith's office. A deputation 
of these, informing Mr. Stevens of their plans, arranged with 
him to land the troops if they would ask it "for the purpose of 
protecting life and property." It was further agreed between 
him and them that in the event they should occupy the Gov- 
ernment Building and proclaim a new Government he .would 
recognize it. The two leading members of the committee, 
Messrs. Thurston and Smith, growing uneasy as to the safety 
of their persons, went to him to know if he would protect them 
in the event of their arrest by the authorities, to which he gave 
his assent. 

At the mass meeting called by the Committee of Safety on the 
16th of January, there was no communication to the crowd of 
any purpose to dethrone the Queen or to change the form of Gov- 
ernment, but only to authorize the committee to take steps to 
prevent consummation of the Queen's purposes and to have 
guarantees of public safety. The Committee on Public Safety 
had kept their purposes from the public view at this mass 
meeting and at their small gatherings for fear of proceedings 
against them by the Government of the Queen. 

After the mass meeting had closed, a call on the American 
Minister for troops was made in the following terms, and signed 
indiscriminately by Germans, by Americans, and by Hawaiian 
subjects of foreign extraction: 


HONOLULU, Jan. 16, 1893. 


American Minister Resident. 

SIR : We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Hono- 
lulu, respectfully represent that, in view of public events in 
this kingdom, culminating in the revolutionary acts of Queen 
Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public safety is menaced and 
lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and the 
United States forces at your command for assistance. 

The Queen, with the aid of armed force and accompanied by 
threats of violence and bloodshed from those with whom she 
was acting, attempted to proclaim a new constitution, and, 
while prevented for the time from accomplishing her object, 
declared publicly that she would only defer her action. 

This conduct _and action was upon an occasion and under 
circumstances which have created general alarm and terror. 

We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore 
pray for the protection of the United States forces. 









Citizens' Committee of Safety. 

The response to that call does not appear in the files or on 
the records of the American Legation. It therefore cannot 
speak for itself. The request of the committee of safety was, 
however, consented to by the American Minister. The troops 
were landed. 

On that very night the committee assembled at the house of 
Henry Waterhouse, one of its members, living the next door to 
Mr. Stevens, and finally determined on the dethronement of the 
Queen, selected its officers, civil and military, and adjourned to 
meet the next morning. 

Col. J. H. Soper, an American citizen, was selected to com- 
mand the military forces. At this Waterhouse meeting it was 
assented to by all that Mr. Stevens had agreed with the com- 
mittee of safety that in the event it occupied the Government 
building and proclaimed a Provisional Government he would 
recognize it as a de facto government. 

When the troops were landed on Monday evening, January 
16, about 5 o'clock, and began their march through the streets 

with their small arms, artillery, etc., a great surprise burst 
upon the community. To but few was it understood. Not 
much time elapsed before it was given out by members of the 
committee of safety that they were designed to support them. 
At the palace, with the cabinet, amongst the leaders of the 
Queen's military forces, and the great body of the people who 
were loyal to the Queen, the apprehension came that it was a 
movement hostile to the existing Government. Protests were 
filed by the minister of foreign affairs and by the governor of 
the island against the landing of the troops. 

Messrs. Parker and Peterson testify that on Tuesday at 1 
o'clock they called on Mr. Stevens, and by him were informed 
that in the event the Queen's forces assailed the insurrectionary 
forces he would intervene. 

At 2:30 o'clock of the same day the members of the Pro- 
visional Government proceeded to the Government building in 
squads and read their proclamation. They had separated in 
their march to the Government building for fear of observation 
and arrest. There was no sign of an insurrectionary soldier on 
the street The committee of safety sent to the Government 
building a Mr. A. S. Wilcox to see who was there, and on being 
informed that there were no Government forces on the grounds, 
proceeded in the manner 1 have related and read their procla- 
mations. Just before concluding the reading of their instru- 
ment fifteen volunteer troops appeared. Within a h"alf hour 
afterward some thirty or forty made their appearance. 

A part of the Queen's forces, numbering 224, were located at 


the station house, about one-third of a mile from the Govern- 
ment building. The Queen, with a body of 50 troops, was 
located at the palace, north of the Government building about 
400 yards. A little northeast of the palace and some 200 
yards from it, at the barracks, was another body of 272 troops. 

These forces had 14 pieces of artillery, 386 rifles, and 16 
revolvers. West of the Government building and across a 
narrow street were posted Capt. Wiltse and his troops, these 
likewise having artillery and small-arms. 

The Government building is in a quadrangular-shaped piece 
of ground surrounded by streets. The American troops were so 
posted as to be in front of any movement of troops which 
should approach the Government building on three sides, the 
fourth being occupied by themselves. Any attack on the Gov- 
ernment from the east side would expose the American troops 
to the direct fire of the attacking force. Any movement of 
troops from the palace toward the Government building in the 
event of a conflict between the military forces would have ex- 
posed them to the fire of -the Queen's troops. In fact, it would 
have been impossible for a struggle between the Queen's 
forces and the forces of the committee of safety to have 
taken place without exposing them to the shots of the Queen's 
forces. To use the language of Admiral Skerrett, the American 
troops were well located if designed to promote the movement 
for the Provisional Government and very improperly located if 
only intended to protect American citizens in person and 

They were doubtless so located to suggest to the Queen and 
her counsellors that they were in co-operation with the insur- 
rectionary movement, and would when the emergency arose 
manifest it by active support. 

It did doubtless suggest to the men who read the proclama- 
tion that they were having the suppport of the American minis- 
ter and naval commander and were safe from personal harm. 

Why had the American minister located the troops in such a 
situation and then assured the members of the committee of 
safety that on their occupation of the Government building he 
would recognize it as a government de facto, and as such give it 
support ? Why was the Government building designated to 
them as the place which, when there proclamation was an- 
nounced therefrom, would be followed by his recognition. It 
was not a point of any strategic consequence. It did not 
involve the employment of a single soldier. 

A building was chosen where there were no troops stationed, 
where there was no struggle to be made to obtain access, with 
an American force immediately contiguous, with the mass of the 
population impressed with its unfriendly attitude. Aye, more 
than this before any demand for surrender had even been 
made on the Queen or on the commander or any officer of any of 
her military forces at any of the points where her troops were 
located, the American minister had recognized the Provisional 
Government and was ready to give it the support of the 
United States troops ! 

Mr. Damon, the vice-president of the Provisional Government 


and a member of the advisory council, first went to the station 
house, which was in command of Marshal Wilson. The cabinet 
was there located. The vice-president importuned the cabinet 
and the military commander to yield up the military forces on 
the ground that the American minister had recognized the Pro- 
visional Government and that there ought to be no blood shed. 

After considerable conference between Mr. Damon and the 
ministers he and they went to the Government building. 

The cabinet then and there was prevailed upon to go with 
the vice-president and some other friends to the Queen and 
urge her to acquiesce in the situation. It was pressed upon her 
by the ministers and other persons at that conference that it 
was useless for her to make any contest, because it was one with 
the United States ; that she could file her protest against what 
had taken place and would be entitled to a hearing in the city 
of Washington. After consideration of more than an hour she 
finally concluded, under the advice of her cabinet and friends, 
to order the delivery up of her military forces to the Provisional 
Government under protest. That paper is in the following 
form : 

I, Liliuqkalani, by the grace of God and under the constitu- 
tion of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly 
protest against any and all acts done against myself and the 
constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by cer- 
tain persons claiming to have established a' provisional govern- 
ment of and for this kingdom. 

That I yield to the superior force of the United States of 
America, whose minister plenipotentiary, His Excellency John 
L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to be landed at 
Honolulu and declared that he would support the said pro- 
visional government. 

Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the 
loss of life, [ do, under this protest, and impelled by said force, 
yield my authority until such time as the Government of the 
United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo 
the action of its representatives and reinstate me in the authority 
which I claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian 

Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 



Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Minister of Finance. 

Minister of Interior. 


All this was accomplished without the firing of a gun, with- 
out a demand for surrender on the part of the insurrec- 
tionary forces until they had been converted into a de facto 
government by the recognition of the American minister 


with American troops, then ready to interfere in the event of 
an attack. 

In pursuance of a prearranged plan, the Government thus 
established hastened off commissioners to Washington to 
make a treaty for the purpose of annexing the Hawaiian 
Islands to the United States. 

During the progress of the movement the committee of 
safety alarmed at the fact that the insurrectionists had no 
troops and no organization, despatched to Mr. Stevens three 
persons, to wit : Messrs. L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder and H. 
F. Glade, "to inform him of the situation and ascertain from 
him what if any protection or assistance could be afforded by 
the United States for the protection of life and property, the 
unanimous sentiment and feeling being that life and property 
were in danger." Mr. Thurston is a native-born subject ; Mr. 
Wilder is of American origin, but has absolved his allegiance to 
the United States and is a naturalized subject ; Mr. Glade is a 
German subject. 

The declaration as to the purposes of the Queen contained in 
the formal request for the appointment of a committee of safety 
in view of the facts which have been recited, to wit, the action 
of the Queen and her cabinet, the action of the Royalist mass 
meeting, and the peaceful movement of her followers, indicating 
assurances of their abandonment, seem strained in so far as 
any situation then requiring the landing of troops might exact. 

The request was made, too, by men avowedly intending to 
overthrow the existing government and substitute a provisional 

government therefor, and who, with such purpose in progress of 
being effected, could not proceed therewith, but fearing arrest 
and imprisonment and without any thought of abandoning 
that purpose, sought the aid of the American troops in this 
situation to prevent any harm to their persons and property. 
To consent to an application for such a purpose without any 
suggestion dissuading the applicants from it on the part of the 
American minister, with naval forces under his command, 
could not otherwise be construed than as complicity with their 

The committee, to use their own language, say : " We are 
unable to protect ourselves without aid, and, therefore, pray for 
the protection of the United States forces." 

In less than thirty hours the petitioners have overturned the 
throne, established a new government, and obtained the recog- 
nition of foreign powers. 

Let us see whether any of these petitioners are American 
citizens, and if so whether they were entitled to protection, 
and if entitled to protection at this point whether or not 
subsequently thereto their conduct was such as could be 
sanctioned as proper on the part of American citizens in a 
foreign country. 

Mr. Henry E. Cooper is an American citizen ; was a member 
of the committe of safety ; was a participant from the begin- 
ning in their schemes to overthrow the Queen, establish a 
Provisional Government, and visited Capt. Wiltse's vessel, with 
a view of securing the aid of American troops, and made an 


encouraging report thereon. He an American citizen, read the 
proclamation dethroning the Queen and establishing the Provi- 
sional Government. 

Mr. F. W. McChesney is an American citizen ; was co-operat- 
ing in the revolutionary movement, and had been a member of 
the advisory council from its inception. 

Mr. W. C. Wilder is a naturalized citizen of the Hawaiian 
Islands, owing no allegiance to any other country. He was one 
of the original members of the advisory council, and one of the 
orators in the mass meeting on the morning of January 16. 

Mr. C. Bolte is of German origin, but a regularly naturalized 
citizen of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Mr. A. Brown is a Scotchman and has never been naturalized. 
Mr. W. 0. Smith is a native of foreign origin and a subject of 
the Islands. 

Mr. Henry Waterhouse, originally from Tasmania, is a 
naturalized citizen of the Islands. 

Mr. Theo. F. Lansing is a citizen of the United States, owing 
and claiming allegiance thereto. He has never been natural- 
ized in this country. 

Mr. Ed. Suhr is a German subject. 

Mr. L. A. Thurston is a native-born subject of the Hawaiian 
Islands, of foreign origin. 

Mr. John Emmeluth is an American citizen. 

Mr. W. R. Castle is a Hawaiian of foreign parentage. 

Mr. J. A. McCandless is a citizen of the United States never 
having been naturalized here. 

Six are Hawaiians subjects ; five are American citizens ; one 
English and one German. A majority are foreign subjects. 

It will be observed that they sign as " Citizens' committee of 

This is the first time American troops were ever landed on 
these islands at the instance of a committee of safety without 
notice to the existing government. 

It is to be observed that they claim to be a citizens' commit- 
tee of safety and that they are not simply applicants for the 
protection of the property and lives of American citizens. 

The chief actors in this movement were Messrs. L. A. Thurs- 
ton and W. 0. Smith. 

Alluding to the meeting of the committee of safety held at 
Mr. W. R. Castle's on Sunday afternoon, January 15, Mr. W. 
0. Smith says : 

".After we adjourned Mr. Thurston and I called upon the 
American minister again and informed him of what was being 
done. Among other things we talked over with him what had 
" better be done in case of our being arrested, or extreme or 
violent measures being taken by the monarchy in regard to us. 
We did not know what steps would be taken, and there was a 
feeling of great unrest and sense of danger in the community. 
Mr. Stevens gave assurance of his earnest purpose to afford all 
the protection that was in his power to protect life and pro- 
perty. He emphasized the fact that while he would call for 
the United States troops to protect life and property, he could 
not recognize any government until actually established." 



Mr. Damon, the vice-president of the Provisional Goverment, origin, led and directed by two native subjects of the Hawaiian 

returning from the country on the evening of the 16th, and 
seeing the troops in the streets, inquired of Mr. Henry Water- 
house, " Henry, what does all this mean ? " To which he says, 
if he " remembers rightly," Mr. Waterhouse replied, " It is all 
up ! " On being questioned by me as to his understanding of 
the expression, " It is all up," he said h& understood from it 
that the American troops had taken possession of the island. 

Mr. C. L. Carter, at the government house, assured Mr. 
Damon that the United States troops would protect them. Mr. 
Damon was astonished when they were not immediately 
marched over from Arion Hall to the government building and 
became uneasy. He only saw protection in the bodily presence 
of the American troops in this building. The committee of 
safety, with its frequent interviews with Mr. Stevens, saw it in 
the significance of the position occupied by the United States 
troops and in the assurance of Mr. Stevens that he would inter- 
fere for the purpose of protecting life and property, and that 
when they should have occupied the government building and 
read their proclamation dethroning the Queen and establishing 
the Provisional Government he would recognize it. 

The committee of safety, recognizing the fact that the land- 
ing of the troops under existing circumstances could, according 
to all law and precedent, be done only on the request of the 
existing Government, having failed in utilizing the Queen's 
Cabinet, resorted to the new device of a committee of safety 
made up of Germans, British, Americans, and natives of foreign 


With these leaders, subjects of the Hawaiian Islands, the 
American minister consulted freely as to the revolutionary 
movement and gave them assurance of protection from danger 
at the hands of the royal Government and forces. 

On January 17, the following communication, prepared at 
the station house, which is one-third of a mile from the Govern- 
ment building and two-thirds of a mile from the residence of 
the American minister, was sent to him : 


HONOLULU, January 17, 1893. 


Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, etc.: 

SIR : Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government, having been 
informed that certain persons to them unknown, have issued 
proclamation declaring a Provisional Government to exist in 
opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pretended 
to depose the Queen, her cabinet and marshal, and that treason- 
able persons at present occupy the Government building in 
Honolulu with an armed force, and pretending that your 
excellency, on behalf of the United States of America, has 
recognized such Provisional Government, Her Majesty's Cabinet 
asks respectfully, has your excellency recognized said Provi- 
sional Government, and, if not, Her Majesty's Government 


under the above existing circumstances respectfully requests 
the assistance of your Government in preserving the peace of 
the country. 

We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants, 


Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Minister of Finance. 

Minister of the Interior. 

A ttorney- Gene ml. 

In it will be observed the declaration that the Provisional 
Government is claiming to have had his recognition. The 
reply of Mr. Stevens is not to he found in the records or files 
of the legation, but on those records appears the following 
entry : 


HONOLULU, January 17, 1893. 

About 4 to 5 P. M. of this date -am not certain of the precise 
time the note on file from the four ministers of the deposed 
Queen, inquiring if I had recognized the Provisional Govern- 
ment, came to my hands while I was lying sick on the couch. 
Not far from 5 P. M. I did not think to look at my watch I 
addressed a short note to Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Wm. H. 

Cornwell, Hon. John F. Colburn, and Hon. A. P. Peterson, no 
longer regarding them as ministers, informing them that I had 
recognized the Provisional Government. 


United States Minister. 

This communication was received at the station house and 
read by all of the ministers and by a number of other persons. 

After this Mr. Samuel M; Damon, the vice-president of the 
Provisional Government, and Mr. Bolte, a member of the ad- 
visory council, came to the station house and gave information 
of the proclamation and asked for the delivery up of the station 
house, the former urging that the government had been recog- 
nized by the American minister, and that any struggle would 
cause useless bloodshed. 

The marshal declared that he was able to cope with the forces 
of the Provisional Government and those of the United States 
successfully if the latter interfered, and that he would not 
surrender except by the written order of the Queen. 

After considerable conference, the cabinet went with Messrs. 
Damon and Bolte to the Government building and met the 
Provisional Government, and there indicated a disposition to 
yield, but said that they must first consult with the Queen. 

The members of the Queen's cabinet, accompanied by Mr. 
Damon, preceded by the police, and met the Queen. There 
were also present Messrs. H. A. Widemann, Paul Neumann, 
E. C. Macfarlane, J. 0. Carter, and others. 


As to what occurred there I invite your attention to the fol- in the matter longer ; that it was wiser for her to abdicate 

lowing statement, made by the vice-president of the Provi- 
sional Government, and certified by him to be correct : 

Q. In that conversation you asked for a surrender of the 
forces and the ministers advised it ? 

A. The different ones spoke and they all recommended it. 
Each one spoke. At first Judge Wideman was opposed to it, 
but he finally changed his mind on the advice of Mr. Neumann. 
Mr. Neumann advised yielding. Each one advised it. 

Q. Was the advice of Neumann and the cabinet based on 
the idea that the Queeen would have to contend with the 
United States forces as well as the forces of the Provisional 
Government ? 

A. It was the Queen's idea that she could surrender pend- 
ing a settlement at Washington, and it was on that condition 
that she gave up. If I remember right I spoke to her also. I 
said she could surrender or abdicate under protest. 

Q. And that the protest would be considered at a later 
period at Washington ? 

A. At a later period. 


I knew it was the Queen's idea that Mr. Stevens was in sym- 
pathy with this movement. 

Q. But I am asking now as to what reasons the ministers 
gave for her acquiescence ? 

A. It was their idea that it was useless to carry on : that it 
would be provocative of bloodshed and trouble if she persisted 

under protest and have a hearing at a later time ; that the 
forces against her were too strong. 

Q. Did they indicate the United States forces in any way ? 

A. I do not remember their doing so. 

Q. Do you know whether or not at that time they were 
under the impression that the United States forces were in sym- 
pathy with the revolution ? 

A. Beyond an impression I know nothing definite. 

Q. What was the result of this conference with the Queen ? 
What was agreed on ? 

A. She signed a document surrendering her rights to the 

Provisional Government under protest. 


She was reluctant to agree to this, but was advised that the 
whole subject would come up for final consideration at Wash- 


I did tell her that she would have a perfect right to be heard 
at a later period. 

Q. By the United States Government ? 

A. Yes. 

All the persons present except Mr. Damon formally state and 
certify that in this discussion it was conceded by all that Mr. 
Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government. This 
Mr. Damon says he does not clearly recollect, but that he is 
under the impression that at that time the Provisional Govern- 


ment had been recognized. Save Mr. Damon, these witnesses 
testify to the impression made on their minds and on that of 
the Queen that the American minister and the American naval 
commander were co-operating in the insurrectionary movement. 

As a result of the conference, there was then and there pre- 
pared the protest which has been cited. 

The time occupied in this conference is indicated in the fol- 
lowing language by Mr. Damon : 

We went over (to the Palace) between 4 and 5 and remained 
until 6 discussing the situation. 

Mr. Damon and the cabinet returned to the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, presented the protest, and President Dole indorsed on 
the same : 

Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 18th day of 
January, A. D. 1893. 

S. B. DOLE, 

Chairman of the Kvecuiive Council of 
Provisional Government. 

After this protest the Queen ordered the delivery of the 
station house, where was an important portion of the military 
forces, and the barracks, where was another force. 

The statements of many witnesses at the station house and at 
the conference with the Queen, that the reply of Mr. Stevens to 
the cabinet on the subject of recognition had taken place, are 
not contradicted by Mr. Damon ; but when inquired touching 
these matters, he uses such expressions as " I can not remem- 
ber. It might have been so." 

Mr. Damon says that he is under the impression that he 
knew when he went to this conference with the Queen that the 
recognition had taken place. 

Mr. Bolte, another member of the Provisional Government, 
in a formal statement made and certified to by him, shows very 
much confusion of memory, but says: "I can not say what 
time in the day Mr. Stevens sent his recognition." He thinks 
it was after sunset. 

Mr. Henry Waterhouse, another member of the Provisional 
Government, says : " We had taken possession of the barracks 
and station house before the recognition took place." 

It will be observed that I have taken the communication of 
the Queen's ministers and the memorandum of Mr. Stevens as 
to his reply and the time thereof, to wit : " Not far from 5 
p. m. I did not think to look at my watch." 

This information was then transmitted to the station house, 
a distance of two-thirds of a mile, and before the arrival of 
Messrs. Damon and Bolte. This fact is supported by nine per- 
sons present at the interview with Mr. Damon and Mr. Bolte. 
Then another period of time intervenes between the departure 
of Mr. Damon and Mr. Bolte. Then another period of time 
intervenes between the departure of Mr. Damon and the cabinet, 
passing over a distance of one-third of a mile to the Govern- 
ment Building. Then some further time is consumed in a con- 
ference with the Provisional Government before the departure 
of Mr. Damon . and the cabinet to the palace, were was the 
Queen. The testimony of all persons present proves that the 


recognition by Mr. Stevens had then taken place. Subsequent 
to the signing of the protest occurred the turning over of the 
military to the Provisional Government. 

Inquiry as to the credibity of all these witnesses satisfies me 
as to their character for veracity, save one person, Mr. Colburn. 
He is a merchant, and it is said he makes misstatements 
in business transactions. No man can reasonably doubt the 
truth of the statements of the witnesses that Mr. Stevens had 
recognized the Provisional Government before Messrs. Damon 
and Bolte went to the station house. 

Recurring to Mr. Stevens' statement as to the time of his 
reply to the letter of the cabinet, it does not appear how long 
before this reply he had recognized the Provisional Govern- 
ment. Some witnesses fix it at three and some at half-past 
three. According to Mr. Damon he went over with the cabinet 
to meet the Queen between four and five, and taking into account 
the periods of time as indicated by the several events antece- 
dent to this visit to the palace, it is quite probable that the 
recognition took place in the neighborhood of three o'clock. 
This would be within one-half hour from the time that Mr. 
Cooper commenced to read the proclamation establishing that 
Government, and allowing twenty minutes for its reading, in 
ten minutes thereafter the recognition must have taken place. 

Assuming that the recognition took place at half-past three 
there was not at the Government building with the Provisional 
Government exceeding 60 raw soldiers. 

In conversation with me Mr. Stevens said that he knew the 

barracks and station-house had not been delivered up when he 
recognized the Provisional Government ; that he did not care 
anything about that, for 25 men, well armed, could have run 
the whole crowd. 

There appears on the files of the legation this communication: 


HONOLULU, January 17, 1893. 


United States Minister Resident. 

SIR : I acknowledge receipt of your valued communication 
of this day, recognizing the Hawaiian Provisional Government, 
and express deep appreciation of the same. 

We have conferred with the ministers of the late government 
and have made demand upon the marshal to surrender the 
station-house. We are not actually yet in possession of the 
station-house ; but as night is approaching and our forces may 
be insufficient to maintain order, we request the immediate 
support of the United States forces, and would request that the 
commander of the U. S. forces take command of our military 
forces, so that they may act together for the protection of the 
city. Respectfully yours, 

Chairman Executive Council. 

After the recognition by Mr. Stevens, Mr. Dole thus informs 
him of his having seen the Queen's Cabinet and demanded the 


surrender of the forces at the station-house. This paper con- 
tains the evidence that before Mr. Dole had ever had any 
conference with the Queen's ministers, or made any demand for 
the surrender of her military forces, the Provisional Govern- 
ment had been recognized by Mr. Stevens. 

On this paper is written the following : 

" The above request not complied with. STEVENS." 

This is the only reference to it to be found on the records or 
among the files of the legation. 

This memorandum is not dated. 

With the Provisional Government and its forces in a two-acre 
lot, and the Queen's forces undisturbed by their presence, this 
formal, dignified declaration on the part of the President of the 
Provisional Government to the American minister, after first 
thanking him for his recognition, informing him of his meet- 
ing with the Queen's cabinet and admitting that the station- 
house had not been surrendered, and stating that his forces 
may not be sufficient to maintain order, and asking that the 
American commander unite the forces of the United States 
with those of the Provisional Government to protect the city, 
is in ludicrous contrast with the declaration of the American 
minister in his previous letter of recognition that the Provi- 
sional Government was in full possession of the Government 
buildings, the archives, the treasury, and in control of the 
Hawaiian capital. 

In Mr. Steven's dispatch to Mr. Foster, No. 79, January 18, 
1893, is this paragraph : 

" As soon as practicable a Provisional Government was con- 
stituted, composed of four highly respectable men, with Judge 
Dole at the head, he having resigned his place on the supreme 
bench to assume this responsibility. He was born in Honolulu 
of American parentage, educated here and in the United States, 
and is of the highest reputation among all citizens, both 
natives and whites. P. C. Jones is a native of Boston, Mass., 
wealthy, possessing property interests in the island, and a resi- 
dent here for many years. The other two member are of the 
highest respectability. The committee of public safety forth- 
with took possession of the Government buildings, archives and 
treasury, and installed the Provisional Government at the 
heads of the respective departments. This being an accom- 
plished fact, I promptly recognized the Provisional Gorernment as 
the DE FACTO government of the Hawaiian Islands. The English 
minister, the Portuguese charge d'affaires, the French and the 
Japanese commissioners promptly did the same ; these, with 
myself, being the only members of the diplomatic corps 
residing here." 

Read in the light of what has immediately preceded, it is 
clear that he recognized the Provisional Government very soon 
after the proclamation of it was made. This proclamation 
announced the organization of the Government, its forms and 
officials. The quick recognition was the performance of his 
pledge to the committee of safety. The recognition by foreign 


powers, as herein stated, is incorrect. They are dated on the 
18th, the day following that of Mr. Stevens*. 

On the day of the revolution neither the Portuguese charge 
d'affaires nor the French commissioner had any communication, 
written or oral, with the Provisional Government until after 
dark, when they went to the Government building to under- 
stand the situation of affairs. They did not then announce 
their recognition. 

The British minister, several hours after Mr. Stevens' recog- 
nition, believing that the Provisional Government was sustained 
by the American minister and naval forces, and that the 
Queen's troops could not and ought not to enter into a struggle 
with the United States forces, and having so previously 
informed the Queen's cabinet, did go to the Provisional Govern- 
ment and indicate his purpose to recognize it. 

I can not assure myself about the action of the Japanese 
commissioner. Mr. Stevens was at his home sick, and some 
one evidently misinformed him as to the three first. 

In a letter of the Hawaiian commissioners to Mr. Foster, 
dated February 11, is this paragraph : 

" Sixth. At the time the Provisional Government took 
possession of the Government buildings no American troops 
or officers were present or took part in such proceedings in any 
manner whatever. No public recognition was accorded the 
Provisional Government by the American minister until they 
were in possession of the Government buildings, the archives, 
and the treasury, supported by several hundred armed men and 

after the abdication by the Queen and the surrender to the Provi- 
sional Government of her forces." 

Mark the words, " and after the abdication by the Queen and 
the surrender to the Provisional Government of her forces." It 
is signed L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, William R. Castle, J. 
Marsden, and Charles L. Carter. 

Did the spirit of annexation mislead these gentlemen. If 
not, what malign influence tempted President Dole to a con- 
trary statement in his cited letter to the American minister ? 

The Government building is a tasteful structure, with ample 
space for the wants of a city government of 20,000 people. It 
is near the center of a 2-acre lot. In it the legislature and 
supreme court hold their sessions and the cabinet ministers 
have their offices. 

In one corner of this lot in the rear is an ordinary two- 
story structure containing eight rooms. This building was 
used by the tax assessor, the superintendent of waterworks, 
and the Government survey office. In another corner is a 
small wooden structure containing two rooms used by the 
board of health. 

These constitute what is termed in the correspondence 
between the Provisional Government and the American minis- 
ter and the government of the United States " government 
departmental buildings." 

Whatever lack of harmony of statement as to time may 
appear in the evidence, the statements in documents and the 
consecutive order of events in which the witnesses agree, all do 


force us to but one conclusion that the American minister 
recognized the Provisional Government on the simple fact that 
it had entered a house designated sometimes as the Government 
building and sometimes as Aliiolani Hale (sic), which had 
never been regarded as tenable in military operations and was 
not so regarded by the Queen's officers in the disposition of 
their military forces, these being at the station house, at the 
palace, and at the barracks. 

Mr. Stevens consulted freely with the leaders of the revolu- 
tionary movement from the evening of the 14th. These dis- 
closed to him all their plans. They feared arrest and punish- 
ment. He promised them protection. They needed the troops 
on shore to overawe the Queen's supporters and Government. 
This he agreed to and did furnish. The had few arms and no 
trained soldiers. They did not mean to fight. It was arranged 
between them and the American minister that the proclama- 
tion dethroning the Queen and organizing a provisional govern- 
ment should be read from the Government building and he would 
follow it with a speedy recognition. All this was to be done 
with American troops provided with small-arms and artillery 
across a narrow street within a stone's throw. This was done. 

Then commenced arguments and importunities to the mili- 
tary commander and the Queen that the United States had 
recognized the Provisional Government and would support it ; 
that for them to persist involved useless bloodshed. 

No soldier of the Provisional Government ever left the two 
acre lot. 

The Queen finally surrendered, not to these soldiers and their 
leaders but to the Provisional Government on the conviction 
that the American minister and the American troops were 
promoters and supporters of the revolution, and that she could 
only appeal to the Government of the United States to render 
justice to her. 

The leaders of the revolutionary movement would not have 
under-taken it but for Mr. Stevens' promise to protect them 
against any danger from the Government. But for this their 
mass meeting would not have been held. But for this no 
request to land the troops would have been made. Had the 
troops not been landed no measures for the organization of a 
new Government would have been taken. 

The American minister and the revolutionary leaders had 
determined on annexation to the United States, and had agreed 
on the part each was to act to the very end. 

Prior to 1887 two-thirds of the foreigners did not become 
naturalized. The Americans, British and Germans especially 
would not give up the protection of those strong governments 
and rely upon that of the Hawaiian Islands. To such persons 
the constitution of 1887 declared : " We need your vote to over- 
come that of our own native subjects. Take the oath to 
support the Hawaiian Government, with a distinct reservation 
of allegiance to your own." Two-thirds of the Europeans and 
Americans now voting were thus induced to vote in a strange 
country with the pledge that such act did not affect their citi- 
zenship to their native country. The purport and form of this 


affidavit appear in the citations from the constitution of 1887 
and the form of oath of a foreign voter. 

The list of registered voters of American und European origin, 
including Portuguese, discloses 3,715; 2,091 of this number are 
Portuguese. Only eight of these imported Portuguese have 
ever been naturalized in these islands. To this should be 
added 106 persons, mostly negroes, from the Cape Verde Islands, 
who came here voluntarily several years prior to the period of 
state importation of laborers. 

The commander of the military forces of the Provisional 
Government on the day of the dethroning of the Queen and up 
to this hour has never given up his American citizenship, but 
expressly reserved the same in the form of oath already dis- 
closed and by a continuous assertion of the same. 

The advisory council of the Provisional Government, as 
established by the proclamation, consisted of John Emmeluth, 
an American, not naturalized ; Andrew Brown, a Scotchman, 
not naturalized ; C. Bolte, naturalized ; James F. Morgan, 
naturalized ; Henry Waterhouse, naturalized ; S. M. Damon, 
native ; W. G. Ashley, an American, not naturalized ; E. D. 
Tenney, an American, not naturalized ; F. M. McChesney, an- 
American, not naturalized ; W. C. Wilder, naturalized ; J. A. 
McCandless, an American, not naturalized ; W. R. Castle, a 
native ; Lorrin A. Thurston, a native ; F. J. Wilhelm, an 
American, not naturalized. 

One-half of this body, then, was made up of persons owing 
allegiance to the United States and Great Britain, 

The annexation mass meeting of the 16th of January was 
made up in this same manner. 

On the 25th of February, 1843, under pressure of British 
naval forces, the King ceded the country to Lord George Paulet, 
"subject to the decision of the British Government after full 
information." That Government restored their independence. 
It made a deep impression on the native mind. 

This national experience was recalled by Judge Widemann, 
a German of character and wealth, to the Queen to satisfy her 
that the establishment of the Provisional Government, through 
the action of Capt. Wiltse and Mr. Stevens, would be repudiated 
by the United States Government, and that she could appeal 
to it. Mr. Damon urged upon her that she would be entitled 
to such a hearing. He was the representative of the Provi- 
sional Government, and accepted her protest and turned it 
over to President Dole. This was followed by large expendi- 
tures from her private purse to present her cause and to invoke 
her restoration. 

That a deep wrong has been done the Queen and the native 
race by American officials pervades the native mind and that 
of the Queen, as well as a hope for redress from the United 
States, there can be no doubt. 

In this connection it is important to note the inability of the 
Hawaiian people to cope with any great powers, and their 
recognition of it by never offering resistance to their encroach- 

The suddenness of the landing of the United States troops, 


the reading of the proclamation of the Provisional Government 
almost in their presence, and the quick recognition by Mr. 
Stevens, easily prepared her to the suggestion that the Presi- 
dent of the United States had no knowledge of these occurrences 
and must know of and approve or disapprove of what had 
occurred at a future time. This, too, must have contributed to 
her disposition to, accept the suggestions of Judge Widemann 
and Mr. Damon. Indeed, who could have supposed that the 
circumstances surrounding her could have been foreseen and 
sanctioned deliberately by the President of the United States. 
Her uniform conduct and the prevailing sentiment amongst 
the natives point to her belief as well as theirs that the spirit of 

justice on the part of the President would restore her crown. 

The United States troops, it appears, were doing military 
duty for the Provisional Government before the protectorate 
was assumed, just as afterwards. The condition of the com- 
munity at the time of the assumption of the protectorate was 
one of quiet and acquiescence, pending negotiations with the 
United States, so far as I have been able to learn. 

A few days before my arrival here news of the withdrawal 
by the President from the Senate of the treaty of annexation 
and his purpose to send a commissioner to inquire into the 
revolution was received. 

An organization known as the Annexation Club commenced 
to obtain signatures to a petition in favor of annexation. This 
work has been continued ever since. 

The result is reported on July 9th, 1893, thus : 


HONOLULU, H. I.. July 9th, 1893. 

U. S. E. E. & M. P. 

In answer to your communication of May 1 would say that 
the names on our great register to date are 5,500 and that we 
are advised of 190 odd on rolls not yet entered on the other 

Of those which are entered I would estimate that 1,218 are 
Americans, bemg90odd percent of the total number of Americans 
on the islands and 20 odd per cent of those on the club rolls. 

English 251, being 26 per cent of those on the islands and 4 
per cent of club rolls. 

One thousand and twenty-two Hawaiians, being 11 per cent 
of those on islands and 18 per cent of club rolls. 

Two thousand two hundred and sixty-one Portuguese, being 
73 per cent of Portuguese on islands and 41 per cent of club rolls. 

Sixty-nine Norwegians, being 50 per cent of those on islands 
and 1 per cent of club rolls. 

Three hundred and fifty-one Germans, being 53 per cent of 
those on islands and 6 per cent on club rolls. 

Others, 328, unclassified. 

I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

Secretary Annexation Club. 


The Portuguese have generally signed the annexation rolls. 
These, as I have already stated, are nearly all Portuguese sub- 
jects. A majority of the whites of American and European 
birth who have signed the same roll are noc Hawaiian subjects 
and are not entitled to vote under any laws of the Kingdom. 

The testimony of leading annexationists is that if the ques- 
tion of annexation were submitted to a popular vote, excluding 
all persons who could not read or write except foreigners 
(under the Australian ballot system, which is the law of the 
land) that annexation would be defeated. 

From a careful inquiry I am satisfied that it would be defeat- 
ed by a vote of at least two to one. If the votes of persons 
claiming allegiance to foreign countries were excluded, it would 
be defeated by more than five to one. 

The undoubted sentiment of the people is for the Queen, 
against the Provisional Government and against annexation. 
A majority of the whites, especially Americans, are for annex- 

The native registered vote in 1890 was 9,700 ; the foreign 
vote was 3,893. This native vote is generally aligned against 
the annexation whites. No relief is hoped for from admitting 
to the right of suffrage the overwhelming Asiatic population. 
In this situation the annexation whites declare that good gov- 
ernment is unattainable. 

The controlling element in the white population is connected 
with the sugar industry. In its interest the Government here 
has negotiated treaties from time to time for the purpose of se- 

curing contract laborers for terms of years for the plantations, 
and paid out large sums for their transportation and for build- 
ing plantation wharves, etc. 

These contracts provide for compelling the laborer to work 
faithfully by fines and damage suits brought by the planters 
against them, with the right on the part of the planter to 
deduct the damages and cost of the suit out of the laborer's 
wages. They also provide for compelling the laborer to remain 
with the planter during the contract term. They are sanction- 
ed by law and enforced by civil remedies and penal laws. The 
general belief amongst the planters at the so-called revolution 
was that, notwithstanding the laws against importing labor 
into the United States in the event of their annexation to that 
Government, these laws would not be made operative in the 
Hawaiian Islands on account of their peculiar conditions. 
Their faith in the building of a cable between Honolulu and 
San Francisco, and large expenditures at Pearl Harbor in the 
event of annexation have also as much to do with the desire 
for it. 

In addition to these was the hope of escape from duties on 
rice and fruits and receiving the sugar bounty, either by gener- 
al or special law. 

The repeal of the duty on sugar in the McKinley act was 
regarded a severe blow to their interests, and the great idea of 
statesmanship has been to do something in the shape of treaties 
with the United States, reducing their duties on agricul- 
tural products of the Hawaiian Islands, out of which profits 


might be derived. Annexation has for its charm the com- 
plete abolition of all duties on their exports to the United 

The annexationists expect the United States to govern the 
islands by so abridging the right of suffrage as to place them in 
control of the whites. 

The Americans, of what is sometimes termed the better class, 
in point of intelligence, refinement, and good morals, are fully 
up to the best standard in American social life. Their homes 
are tasteful and distinguished for a generous hospitality. Edu- 
cation and religion receive at their hands zealous support. 
The remainder of them contain good people of the laboring 
class and the vicious characters of a seaport city. These 
general observations can be applied to the English and 
German population. 

The native population, numbering in 1890, 40,622 persons, 
contained 27,901 able to read and write. No country in 
Europe, except perhaps Germany and England, can make 
such a showing. While the native generally reads and writes 
in native and English, he usually speaks the Kanaka language. 
Foreigners usually acquire it. The Chinese and Japanese learn 
to use it and know very little English. 

Among the natives there is not a superior class, indicated by 
great wealth, enterprise, and culture, directing the race, as with 
the whites. This comes from several causes. 

In the distribution of lands most of it was assigned to the 
King, chiefs, some whites, and to the Government for its sup- 

port. Of the masses 11,132 persons received 27,830 acres 
about two and a half acres to an individual called Kuleanas. 
The majority received nothing. The foreigners soon traded the 
chiefs out of a large portion of their shares, and later pur- 
chased from the Government, government lands and obtained 
long leases on the crown lands. Avoiding details it must be 
said that the native never held much of the land. It is well 
known that it has been about seventy years since he commenced 
to emerge from idolatry and the simplicity of thought and 
habits and immoralities belonging to it. National tradition 
has done little for him, and before the whites led him to edu- 
cation its influence was not operative. Until within the last 
twenty years white leaders were generally accepted and pre- 
ferred by the King in his selection of cabinets, nobles, and 
judges, and native leadership was not wanted. 

Their religious affiliations are with the Protestant and Cath- 
olic churches. They are over-generous, hospitable, almost free 
from revenge, very courteous especially to females. Their 
talent for oratory and the higher branches of mathematics is 
unusually marked. In person they have large physique, good 
features and the complexion of the brown races. They have 
been greatly advanced by civilization, but have done little 
towards its advancement. The small amount of thieving and 
absence of beggary are more marked than amongst the best 
races of the world. What they are capable of under fair con- 
ditions is an unsolved problem. 

Idols and idol worship have long since disappeared. 


The following observations in relation to population are pre- 
sented, though some repetition will be observed : 

The population of the Hawaiian Islands can best be studied, 
by one unfamiliar with the native tongue, from its several 
census reports. A census is taken every six years. The last 
report is for the year 1890. From this it appears that the 
whole population numbers 89,990. This number includes 
natives or, to use another designation, Kanakas, half-castes 
(persons containing an admixture of other than native blood in 
any proportion with it), Hawaiian-born foreigners of all races 
or nationalities other than natives, Americans, British,, Ger- 
mans, French, Portuguese, Norwegians, Chinese, Polynesians, 
and other nationalities. 

(In all the official documents of the Hawaiian Islands, 
whether in relation to population, ownership of property, taxa- 
tion, or any other question, the designation "American," "Brit- 
on," "German," or other foreign nationality does not discrimi- 
nate between the naturalized citizens of the Hawaiian Islands 
and those owing allegiance to foreign countries.) 

Americans number 1,928; natives and half-castes, 40,612; 
Chinese, 15,301; Japanese, 12,360; Portuguese, 8,602; British, 
1,344 ; Germans, 1,034 ; French, 70 ; Norwegians, 227 ; Polyne- 
sians, 588, and other foreigners. 419. 

It is well at this point to say that of the 7,495 Hawaiian-born 
foreigners 4,117 are Portuguese, 1,701 Chinese and Japanese, 
1,617 other white foreigners, and 60 of other nationalities. 

There are 58,714 males. Of these 18,364 are pure natives 

and 3,085 are half-castes, making together 21,449. Fourteen 
thousand five hundred and twenty-two (14,522) are Chinese. 
The Japanese number 10,079. The Portuguese contribute 4,770. 
These four nationalities furnish 50,820 of the male population. 


The Americans 1,298 

The British 982 

The Germans 729 

The French 46 

The Norwegians 135 

These five nationalities combined furnish 3,170 of the total 
male population. 

The first four nationalities when compared with the last five 
in male population are nearly sixteenfold the largest in number. 

The Americans are to those of the four aforementioned group 
of nationalities as 1 to 39 nearly as 1 to 40. 

Portuguese have been brought here from time to time from 
the Madeira and Azores islands by the Hawaiian Government 
as laborers, on plantations, just as has been done in relation to 
Chinese, Japanese, Polynesians, etc. They are the most igno- 
rant of all imported laborers, and reported to be very thievish. 
They are not pure Europeans, but a commingling of many races, 
especially the negro. Very few of them can read and write. 
Their children are being taught in the public schools, as all 
races are. It is wrong to class them as Europeans. 

The character of the people of these islands is and must be 
overwhelmingly Asiatic. Let it not be imagined that the 


Chinese, Japanese, and Portuguese disappear at the end of their 

contract term. 


In 1890 the census report discloses that the only 4,695 
persons owned real estate in these islands. With a population 
estimated at this time at 95,000, the vast number of landless 
people here is discouraging to the idea of immigrants from the 
United States being able to find encouragement in the matter 
of obtaining homes in these islands. 

The landless condition of the native population grows out of 
the original distribution and not from shiftlessness. To them 
homesteads should be offered rather than to strangers. 

The census reports of the Hawaiian Islands pretend to give 
the native population from the period when Capt. Cook was 
here until 1890. These show a rapid diminution in numbers, 
which, it is claimed, indicate the final extinction of the race. 
Very many of these reports are entirely conjectural and others 
are carelessly prepared. That of 1884 is believed by many 
intelligent persons here to overstate the native strength and, of 
course, to discredit any comparison with that of 1890. 

All deductions from such comparisons -arc discredited by an 
omission to consider loss from emigration. Jarves, in his 
history of the Hawaiian Islands,- published in 1847, says : 

" Great numbers of healthy Hawaiian youths have left in 
whale ships and other vessels and never returned. 

The number annually afloat is computed at 3,000. At one 
time 400 were counted at Tahiti, 500 in Oregon, 50 at Paita, 

Peru, besides unknown numbers in Europe and the United 

In 1850 a law was passed to prohibit natives from leaving the 
islands. The reason for it is stated in the following preamble. 

" Whereas, by the census of the islands taken in 1849, the 
population decreased at the rate of 8 per cent in 1848, and by 
the census taken in 1850 the population decreased at the rate of 
5^ per cent in 1849 ; whereas the want of labor is severely felt 
by planters and other agriculturists, whereby the price of 
provisions and other produce has been unprecedentedly en- 
hanced, to the great prejudice of the islands; whereas, many 
natives have emigrated to California and there died in great 
misery ; and, whereas, it is desirable to prevent such loss to the 
nation and such wretchedness to individuals, etc." 

This act remained in force until 1887. How effective it was 
when it existed there is no means of ascertaining. How much 
emigration of the native race has taken place since its repeal 
does not appear to have been inquired into by the Hawaiian 
Government. Assuming that there has been none and that the 
census tables are correct, except that of 1884, the best opinion 
is that the decrease in the native population is slight now and 
constantly less. Its final extinction, except by amalgamation 
with Americans, Europeans, and Asiatics, may be dispensed 
with in all future calculations. 

My opinion, derived from official data and the judgment of 
intelligent persons, is that it is not decreasing now and will 
soon increase. 



The foregoing pages are respectfully submitted as the con- 
nected report indicated in your instructions. It is based upon 
the statements of individuals and the examination of public 
documents. Most of these are hereto annexed. 

The partisan feeling naturally attaching to witnesses made 
it necessary for me to take time for forming a correct judgment 
as to their character. All this had to be done without the 
counsel of any other person. 

Mindful of my liability to error in some matters of detail, 
but believing in the general correctness of the information 
reported and conclusions reached, I can only await'the judg- 
ment of others. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Special Commissioner of the United States. 


Mr. Morgan submitted the following report from the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations: 

The following resolution of the Senate defines the limits of 
the authority of the committee in the investigation and report 
it is required to make: 

"Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations shall 
inquire and report whether any, and if so, what irregularities 
have occurred in the diplomatic or other intercourse between 
the United States and Hawaii in relation to the recent political 
revolution in Hawaii, and to this end said committee is author- 
ized to send for persons and papers and to administer oaths to 

The witnesses were examined under oath when it was possible 
to secure their appearance before the committee, though in some 
instances affidavits were taken in Hawaii and other places, and 
papers of a scientific and historic character will be appended to 
this report and presented to the Senate for its consideration. 

The committee did not call the Secretary of State, or any 
person connected with the Hawaiian Legation, to give testimony. 
It was not thought to be proper to question the diplomatic 
authorities of either government on matters that are, or have 
been, the subject of negotiation between them, and no power 
exists to authorize the examination of the minister of a foreign 
government in an}' proceeding without his consent. 

The resolutions include an inquiry only into the intercourse 
between the two governments, and regard the conduct of the 
officers of the United States as a matter for domestic consider- 
ation in which Hawaii is not concerned, unless it be that their 
conduct had some unjust and improper influence upon the 
action of the people or Government of that country in relation 
to the revolution. 

The future policy of the two governments as to annexation, 


or in respect of any other matter, is excluded by the resolutions 
from the consideration of the committee, and 1 such matters are 
alluded to only as being incidental to the investigation which 
was ordered by the Senate. 

The inquiry as to irregularities that may have occurred in 
our diplomatic or other intercourse with Hawaii must relate, 
first, to the conduct of the Government as shown in its official 
acts and correspondence ; and. second, the conduct of its civil 
and military officers while they were engaged in the discharge 
of their public duties and functions. 

Ae a Government dealing with Hawaii and with any form of 
government in that country, whether de facto or de jure, the 
United States can have no separation or break in its line of 
policy corresponding to any change in the incumbency of the 
office of President. It is in all respects as much the same gov- 
ernment in every right and responsibility as if it had been 
under the same President during the entire period covered by 
the recent revolution in Hawaii and the succeeding events. 

This view of the situation will enable us to examine more 
dispassionately the conduct of our Government, and to ascertain 
whether it has been such that it can be safely drawn into 
precedent in any future questions that may arise in our inter- 
course with this or other American governments. 

The right of the President of the United States to change his 
opinions and conduct respecting a course of diplomatic corres- 
pondence with a foreign government is no more to be ques- 
tioned than his right to institute such correspondence ; and it 

cannot be assumed that the opinions of one President, differing 
from those of his predecessor, have any other effect upon the 
attitude of the Government than would follow a change of 
opinion in the mind of the same person if there had been no 
change in the incumbency of the office. This is a view of the 
situation in which all foreign nations may have an interest, 
and the usages of independent powers and the international 
laws. But the question now under consideration is regarded as 
being peculiar to what we may term the American system, It 
% may be true that Hawaii can not be considered as a separate 
and independent power in respect of all its relations with the 
United States, yet the acts of successive Presidents of the 
United States which affect it must be regarded as the acts of 
one President. But there are many good reasons and a long 
and consistent course of dealing between the United States and 
Hawaii that materially affect, if they do not entirely change, 
the actual relations between Hawaii and the United States and 
make them exceptional. When we claim the right to interfere 
in the domestic affairs of Hawaii, as we would not interfere 
with those of a European nation, we must also admit her right 
to whatever advantages there may be in the closeness and inter- 
dependence of our relations, and her right to question us as to 
any conflicts of policy between Mr. Harrison and Mr. Cleveland 
that may be justly said to work a disadvantage to the interests 
of Hawaii, if there are any. 

And another principle which does not apply in our dealings 
with European powers comes into application in this case to 


influence the rights of Hawaii in her intercourse with the 
United States. 

Hawaii is an American state, and is embraced in the Ameri- 
can commercial and military system. This fact has been 
frequently and firml}' stated by our Government, and is the 
ground on which is rested that peculiar and far-reaching declar- 
ation so often and so earnestly made, that the United States 
will not. admit the right of any foreign government to acquire 
any interest or control in the Hawaiian Islands that is in any 
way prejudicial or even threatening toward the interests of the 
United States or her people. This is at least a moral suzerainty 
over Hawaii. In this attitude of the two Governments, Hawaii 
must be entitled to demand of the United States an indulgent 
consideration, if not an active sympathy, when she is endeavor- 
ing to accomplish what every other American state has achieved 
the release of her people from the odious anti-republican 
regime which denies to the people the right to govern them- 
selves, and subordinates them to the supposed divine right of a 
monarch, whose title to such divinity originated in the most 
slavish conditions of pagan barbarity. 

The point at which it is alleged that there was a questionable 
interference by our Minister and our navy with the affairs of 
Hawaii was the landing of troops from the ship Boston, in Hon- 
olulu, on the 16th day of January, 1893, at 5 o'clock in the 
afternoon. That ship, on which the Minister was a passenger, 
had been off on a practice cruise at Hilo, a distance of nearly 
100 miles, since the 4th day of January. On her return to the 

harbor a condition of affairs existed in Honolulu which led 
naturally to the apprehension that violence or civil commotion 
would ensue, in which the peace and security of American citi- 
zens residing in that city would be put in peril, as .had been 
done on three or more separate occasions previously when 
changes occurred or were about to occur in the government of 
Hawaii. Whatever we may conclude were the real causes of 
the situation then present in Honolulu, the fact is that there 
was a complete paralysis of executive government in Hawaii. 
The action of the Queen in an effort to overturn the constitution 
of 1887, to which she had sworn obedience and support, had 
been accepted and treated by a large and powerful body of the 
people as a violation of her constitutional obligations, revolu- 
tionary in its character and purposes, and that it amounted 
to an act of abdication on her part, so far as her powers and the 
rights of the people under the constitution of 1887 were con- 
cerned. This state of opinion and this condition of the execu- 
tive head of the Hawaiian Government neutralized its power to 
protect American citizens and other foreigners in their treaty 
rights, and also their rights under the laws of Hawaii. There 
was not in Honolulu at that time any efficient executive power 
through which the rights of American citizens residing there 
could be protected in accordance with the local laws. It is 
evident that the Queen's Government at that time had no power 
to prevent the landing of troops from any quarter, no power to 
protect itself against invasion, no power to conduct civil govern- 
ment, so far as the executive was concerned, if the effort to 


exert such power was antagonized by any opposing body of 
people in considerable numbers. Indeed, no effort seems to 
have been made to exert the civil authority except through the 
presence of a small and inefficient- body of policemen. The 
authority of the Queen was not respected by the people : it was 
opposed, and no force appeared to be used for the purpose of 
overcoming the opposition. It yielded to a silent but ominous 
opposition. Without reference to the question whether, in 
strict law, the action of the Queen in her effort to overturn the 
Constitution of 1887, and to substitute one by a proclamation 
which she had prepared, was a revolution in government, or an 
effort at revolution, or amounted to an actual abdication, the 
result was that an interregnum existed. 

If we give full effect to the contention that this interregnum 
occurred because of the apprehensions of the Queen that force 
would be used by the United States to compel her abdication, 
those apprehensions could not have occurred before the landing 
of the troops from the Boston, or, if they existed, they were 
idle, unfounded, and unjust toward the United States. It was 
her conduct, opposed by her people, or a large portion of them, 
that paralyzed the executive authority and left the citizens of 
the United States in Honolulu without the protection of any 
law, unless it was such as should be extended to them by the 
American Minister, in conjunction with the arms of the United 
States then on board the Boston. 

It will appear hereafter in this report that there is well- 
settled authority for the position that at the moment when the 

Queen made public her decision to absolve herself from her 
oath to support the constitution of 1887 her abdication was 
complete, if the people chose so to regard it. That constitution 
and the Queen's oath to support it was the only foundation for 
her regal authority, and, when she announced that her oath 
was annulled in its effect upon her own conscience, she could 
no longer rightfully hold office under that constitution. In 
such matters the word of the Queen, once sedately uttered, fixes 
a condition that is irrevocable, unless by the consent of those 
whose condition or rights would be injuriously affected by its 
subsequent withdrawal ; as in the case of a voluntary abdi- 
cation in favor of a named successor ; or of a pardon granted to 
a person accused or convicted of crime ; or the signature to a 
legislative act. or declaration of war. The official act of the 
chief executive of a nation is uniformly regarded as creating a 
condition or status which can not be altered or revoked at 
pleasure. Indeed, in every case, the word of the king that 
works a change in existing conditions is the final act of the 
king. In the crime of treason and the misprision of treason, 
the word that is spoken by the culprit though quickly repented 
of or recalled, has completed the crime and placed the offender 
beyond the reach of all mercy except that of the sovereign 
power. In this instance the sovereign power to pardon or con- 
done the Queen's offense resided in the people, and they have 
so far decided and have adhered to the decision that her abdi- 
cation was complete. The recantation was two days later than 
the completed crime and was temporary and conditional, and, 


in the meantime, popular sovereignty had risen to the asser- 
tion of its rights, an indignant resentment had aroused the 
people, and a. large body of citizens claiming to represent them 
had inaugurated a government of the people and for the people. 
Whether the people opposing the Queen were strengthened in 
their purpose to accept and act upon this abandonment by the 
Queen of her obligations to keep her oath to support and obey 
the constitution by the presence of the troops of the United 
States, or whether the Queen was dismayed by their presence 
and was deterred from supporting her criminal act by the 
employment of her household soldiery, did not alter the fact 
that she had openly renounced the Constitution of 1887 before 
the troops were landed or any preparation was made or any 
order was issued to land them, and the people were preparing 
to substitute the monarchy, which was still existing in the con- 
stitution, by a ruler of their own choice before any troops left 
the Boston. 

Whether the people would permit the restoration of the 
Queen, or whether they would constitute a new executive head 
of the Government of Hawaii, was a matter then undetermined, 
and as to that the Government of the United States had but 
one concern, and that was that the interregnum should be 
ended, the executive head of the Government should be sup- 
plied, and the laws of Hawaii and the treaty rights of Ameri- 
can citizens should have full effect, peacefully, in the protection 
of their rights and interests. When the Queen found that her 
Government was opposed by a strong body of the people she 

did not attempt to reassemble the Legislature, but left the 
public safety in charge of a committee of thirteen men organ- 
ized by those who were endeavoring to preserve the peace and 
to restore the Government to its full constitutional powers by 
choosing an executive head. This condition of things contin- 
ued from Saturday until the succeeding Tuesday, during all of 
which time the citizens of the United States residing in Hono- 
lulu had no protection of law, except such as was guaranteed 
to them by the presence of the ]>oaton in the bay of Honolulu, 
or the moral influence of the American Legation and Consulate. 
When the Kamehameha dynasty ended, the monarchy in 
Hawaii was doomed to a necessary dissolution. The five kings 
of that family, assisted by their premiers, who were Kanaka 
women, and by such missionaries as Judd, Bingham, Chamber- 
lain, Coan, Goodrich arid Damon, maintained the progress of 
civilization and prosperity, but when Kalakaua was elected 
king, the most surprising and disgraceful corruptions infected 
the Government. Without detailing in this report the constant 
decline from bad to worse, which the evidence discloses, without 
contradiction or explanation, when Liliuokalani was enthroned 
the monarchy was a mere shell and was in a condition to crum- 
ble on the slightest touch of firm opposition. Under her brief 
rule, it was kept alive by the care and forbearing tolerance of 
the conservative white people, who owned $50,00n,000 of the 
property in Hawaii, until they saw that the Queen and her 
party had determined to grasp absolute power and destroy the 
constitution and the rights of the white people. When they 


were compelled to act in self-defense the monarchy disappeared. 
It required nothing but the determined action of what j was 
called the missionary party to prostrate the monarchy, and that 
action had been taken before the troops from the Boston landed. 

There was then no executive head of the Government of 
Hawaii ; it had perished. 

In landing the troops from the Boston there was no demon- 
stration of actual hostilities, and their conduct was as quiet and 
as respectful as it had been on many previous occasions when 
they were landed for the purpose of drill and practice. In pass- 
ing the palace on their way to the point at which they were 
halted, the Queen appeared upon the balcony and the troops 
respectfully saluted her by presenting arms and dipping the 
flag, and made no demonstration of any hostile intent. Her 
attitude at that time was that of helplessness, because she 
found no active or courageous support in her isolated position, 
which was self-imposed and was regretted by few of her former 
subjects. In this condition of Hawaii the laws for the protec- 
tion of life and property were, in fact, suspended so far as the 
executive power was concerned, and the citizens of the United 
States in Honolulu and all the islands, and their property 
rights, were virtually outlawed. The citizens of Honolulu were 
not held amenable to the civil authorities, but were treated by 
the Queen, as well as by the people, as if the country was in a 
state of war. A policeman was shot down on the streets by a 
person who was conducting a wagon loaded with arms to the 
place of rendezvous where the people had assembled, and no 

action was taken for the purpose of arresting or putting on trial 
the man who did the shooting. 

In a country where there is no power of the law to protect 
the citizens of the United States, there can be no law of nations 
nor any rule of comity that can rightfully prevent our flag from 
giving shelter to them under the protection of our arms, and 
this without reference to any distress it may give to the Queen 
who generated the confusion, or any advantage it might give to 
the people who are disputing her right to resume or to hold her 
regal powers. In every country where there is no effective 
chief executive authority, whether it is a newly-discovered 
island where only savage government prevails, or one where the 
government is paralyzed by internal feuds, it is the right, 
claimed and exercised by all civilized nations, to enter such a 
country with sovereign authority to assert and protect the 
rights of its citizens and their property, and to remain there 
without the invitation of anybody until civil government shall 
have been established that is adequate, in a satisfactory sense 
for their protection. 

The committee agree that such was the condition of the 
Hawaiian Government at the time that the troops were landed 
in Honolulu from the steam warship Boston; that there was 
then an interregnum in Hawaii as respects the executive office ; 
that there was no executive power to enforce the laws of 
Hawaii, and that it was the right of the United States to land 
troops upon those islands at any place where it was necessary in 
the opinion of our minister to protect our citizens. 


In what occurred in landing the troops at Honolulu there 
may have been an invasion, but ft was not an act of war, nor 
did it create that condition of the public law in Hawaii. 

In the period of reconstruction, as it is called, which followed 
the civil war of 1861-'6o in the United States, a very similar 
condition existed, or was assumed to exist, which caused 
Congress to provide for vacating gubernatorial offices in several 
of the Southern States and filling them by appointments of the 

In these States strong military bodies were stationed and 
general officers of the Army took command and enforced the 
laws found on their statute books and also the laws of the 
United States. All the civil officers in those sovereign States 
were required to obey the commands of those Army officers, 
and they did so, often under protest, but with entire submission 
to the military power and authority of the President, exerted 
through the instrumentality of the Army. That was not war. 
Yet it was the presence of military force, employed actively in 
the enforcement of the civil laws, and in full supremacy over 
the civil authority. 

The only reason that could justify this invasion of sovereign 
States by the armies of the Unitejd States was the declaration 
by Congress that the executive governments in those States 
were not in the lawful possession of the incumbents; that there 
was an interregnum in those States as to the office of governor. 

If the Queen, or the people, or both acting in conjunction, 
had opposed landing of the troops from the Boston with armed 

resistance, their invasion would have been an act of war. But 
when their landing was not opposed by any objection, protest, 
or resistance the state of war did not supervene, and there was 
no irregularity or want of authority to place the troops on 

In this view of the facts there is no necessity for inquiring 
whether Minister Stevens or Capt. Wiltse. in arranging for the 
landing of the troops, had any purpose either to aid the popular 
movement against the Queen that was then taking a definite 
and decisive shape, or to promote the annexation of the Hawai- 
ian Islands to the United States. But justice to these gentle- 
men requires that we should say that the troops from the 
Boston were not sent into Honolulu for any other purpose than 
that set forth fully and fairly in the following order from Capt. 
Wiltse to the officer in command of the detachment : 



Executive Officer, U. S. Boston. 

SIR : You will take command of the battalion and land in 
Honolulu for the purpose of protecting our legation, consulate, 
and the lives and property of American citizens, and to assist 
in preserving public order. 

Great prudence must be exercised by both officers and men, 
and no action taken that is not fully warranted by the condi- 


tion of affairs and by the conduct of those who may be inimical 
to the treaty rights of American citizens. 

You will inform me at the earliest practicable moment of 
any change in the situation. 

Very respectfully, 

Captain, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. Boston. 

As between the United States and Hawaii, as separate and 
independent governments, that order defines the full liability 
of the Government of the United States in respect of landing 
the troops at Honolulu. As between the Government of the 
United States and its officers, the question may arise whether 
that order was issued in good faith and for the purposes declared 
upon its face, or whether it was a pretext used for the purpose 
of assisting in the overthrow of the Queen's Government and 
the ultimate annexation of Hawaii to the United States. 

In reference to this last suggestion, the committee, upon the 
evidence as it appears in their report (which they believe is a 
full, fair and impartial statements of the facts attending and 
precedent to the landing of the troops), agree that the purposes 
of Capt. Wiltse and of Minister Stevens were only those which 
were legitimate, viz : the preservation of law and order to the 
extent of preventing a disturbance of the public peace which 
might, in the absence of the troops, injuriously affect the rights 
of the American citizens resident in Honolulu. 

The troops from the Boaton having rightfully entered Hono- 

lulu, and having carried with them the protection of the laws 
of the United States for their citizens who otherwise were left 
without the protection of law, it was the right of the United 
States that they should remain there until a competent chief 
executive of Hawaii should have been installed in authority to 
take upon himself the civil power and to execute the necessary 
authority to provide for the protection of all the rights of citi- 
zens of the United States then in Honolulu, whether such 
rights were secured by treaty or were due to them under the 
laws of Hawaii. It was the further right of the officers repre- 
senting the United States in Hawaii to remain there with the 
troops until all the conditions were present to give full assur- 
ance of security to the rights of all the citizens of the United 
States then in Honolulu. 

Before the landing of the troops a committee of safety had 
been organized that sent a request to the commander of the 
Boston that troops should be landed for the purpose of preserv- 
ing the public peace. To this request no response was made, 
and later in the day the commander of the Boston was informed 
that the committee of safety had withdrawn its request and 
then desired that no troops should be landed. But, disregard- 
ing all the action of the committee of safety and acting only 
upon his sense of duty to the people of the United States who 
were in Honolulu, Capt. Wiltse came to the conclusion that the 
troops should be landed, and he put them in a state of prepar- 
ation for that purpose by lowering the boats, filling the car- 
tridge belts of the men, and supplying them with proper 


accouterments for a stay on shore. After these preparations 
had been completed Minister Stevens went on board the ship 
(on Monday), and had an interview with Capt. Wiltse. The 
evidence shows that this interview related alone to the question 
of the preservation of law and order in Hawaii and the protec- 
tion of Americans in their treaty rights. It seem that neither 
Minister Stevens nor Capt. Wiltse then fully comprehended the 
fact that the United States had the right, of its own authority, 
to send the troops on shore for the purpose of supplying to 
American citizens resident there the protection of law, which 
had been withdrawn or annulled, because of the fact that there 
was then an interregnum in the executive department of the 
Government of Hawaii. The rights of the United States at that 
moment were greater than they were supposed to be by Minis- 
ter Stevens or Capt. Wiltse, and they were not the result of 
treaty rights or obligations, but of that unfailing right to give 
protection to citizens of the United States in any country where 
they may be found, when the local authorities have, through 
their own mismanagement or contrivance, rendered nugatory 
the power of the government to perform its proper duties in the 
protection of their lives, property and peace. 

A further statement of ascertained facts may be necessary in 
order to bring out more clearly the situation in Hawaii on 
Saturday, the 14th day of January, and to render more conspic- 
uous the justification of the United States in entering with its 
troops upon the soil of Hawaii for the protection of all the 
rights of its citizens. 

On Saturday afternoon and Sunday earnest and decisive steps 
were being taken by the people of Honolulu who were most 
prominent in social influence and in commerce and the profes- 
sions, to arm the people who resented the disloyalty of the 
Queen to the constitution and to install a new executive head 
of the Government. This movement had resulted in the organ- 
ization of a committee of safety, that proposed a programme for 
the purpose of inaugurating a Provisional Government. This 
was an open, public movement, which the Queen took no steps 
to suppress. No arrests were made, and even the apprehension 
of arrests seems to have been almost entirely absent from the 
minds of the people engaged in this movement. An effort was 
made to divert those people from their purpose, on Monday 
morning, by the Queen and her ministers, who caused the fol- 
lowing notice to be posted on the streets of Honolulu : 


"Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation 
for the quiet and order whicli have prevailed in this community 
since the events of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the 
position taken by her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of 
a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects. 

" Authority is given for the assurance that any changes de- 
sired in the fundamental law of the land will be sought only 
by the methods provided in the constitution itself. 

" Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the 


assurance of Her Majesty in the same spirit in which it is 

This paper purported to be signed by the Queen and her 
ministers, Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs ; W. H. 
Cornwell, minister of finance ; John F. Colburn, minister of 
the inferior ; and A. P. Peterson, attorney-general. 

The Queen did not sign it in her official character by affix- 
ing the letter R to her name, and the tenor of the paper indi- 
cates that it was, in fact, the act of her ministers, to which she 
had not given her royal assent and pledge. This paper in 
itself contains undeniable evidence that the Queen had institu- 
ted a coup d' etat on Saturday by the promulgation of "a new 
constitution," as far, at least, as she could bind herself by such 
an act, and that she offered the excuse for this revolt against 
the existing constitution which she had sworn to support, that 
she had acted " under stress of her native subjects." 

Passing by the fact that the existence of this "stress" is not 
established by any satisfactory evidence, the reference to it in 
this proclamation discloses her willing connection with the pur- 
pose to disfranchise her foreign-born subjects, that being the 
effect of the provisions of the " new constitution " that she in 
fact promulgated, so far as she could, but hesitated to swear to 
for the want of sufficient support from "her native subjects." 
The assurance given that future efforts "to change" the con- 
stitution of 1887 should be conducted only in the method there- 
in prescribed, was no assurance that her foreign-born subjects 
should be protected in their vital liberties. To the reverse, it 

was a continuing threat that they should be disfranchised and 
placed at the mercy of the racial aggression, backed by the 
power of the crown. The declaration of the Queen made in 
person to Minister Willis, on three occasions, and at long inter- 
vals of time after the lapse of nine months of sedate reflection, 
show that this assurance, given in fact by her ministers, was 
only a thin disguise of her real purpose to drive out the white 
population and ^confiscate their property, and, if need be, to 
destroy their lives. The people made no mistake as to her 
animosity toward them, and proceeded in the same orderly 
manner, for which the ministers gave them thanks in this proc- 
lamation, to designate an executive head of the Government in 
place of the abdicated Queen, the abdication being completed 
and confirmed by the only authentic expression of the popular 
will, and by the recognition of the Supreme Court of Hawaii. 

Another fact of importance connected with the situation at 
that time is that a committee of law and order, consisting of 
supporters of the Queen, had on Monday morning posted in 
public places in Honolulu the following call for a public meet- 
ing and explanation of the purposes of the Queen in abrogating 
the constitution of 1887 and in substituting one which she de- 
sired and attempted to promulgate by their authority as the 
organic law of the land. This proclamation was printed in the 
Hawaiian language, and a translation of it is appended to this 
report. It was printed in an extra edition of a newspaper 
called the Ka Leo o Ka Lahui, published in Honolulu in the 
Hawaiian language. " The stress of her native subjects," which 


is mentioned by the Queen in the proclamation which was 
posted in English on the morning of January 16, is evidently 
expressed in the terms of this announcement and call, and it 
shows that it was based upon racial distinction and prejudice 
entirely, and indicates the feeling of resentment and contro- 
versy which, if carried into effect as the Queen proposed to 
carry it into effect under the constitution which she intended 
to proclaim, would have resulted in the destruction of the rights 
of property and lives of those persons who were styled "mission- 
aries" and their posterity, from whom Hawaii had derived her 
enlightened civilization, Christianity, constitution, laws, prog- 
ress, wealth and position amongst the nations of the earth. 
This was a threat of dangerous significance, and it shows the 
spirit of the controversy that was then pervading the minds of 
the people of Honolulu, and illustrates how easy it was to 
foment strife that would result in the worst of evils, in a com- 
munity thus divided and thus excited. The abuse of the mis- 
sionaries and missionary party in this call shows that the Queen 
and her immediate followers had concentrated their efiorts 
upon the disfranchisementof all white people in Hawaii, and the 
return of the government to that condition of debasement from 
which these very people and their fathers had relieved it. 
The second paragraph in this call is as follows : 


'' On the afternoon of Saturday last the voice of the Sacred Chief 
of Hawaii, Liliuokalani, the tabued one, speaking as follows : 

"0, ye people who love the Chief, I hereby say to you, I am 
now ready to proclaim the new constitution for my Kingdom, 
thinking that it would be successful, but behold obstacles have 
arisen ! Therefore I say unto you, loving people, go with good 
hope and do not be disturbed or troubled in your minds. Be- 
cause, within the next few days now coming, I will proclaim 
the new constitution. 

"' The executive officers of the law (the cabinet) knew the 
errors in this constitution, but they said nothing.' ' : 

" ' Therefore I hope that the thing which you, my people, so 
much want will be accomplished ; it also is my strong desire.' " 

Here is a direct accusation by the Queen against her cabinet, 
all of whom with one exception, were white men, that they had 
misled her as to the effect of the constitution, and had failed to 
point out errors in it which, as a pretext, led to its rejection by 
them, causing them to i - efuse at the last moment to join with 
her in its promulgation. This call was, in fact, a new promise 
which was made by the Queen, with the evident consent of her 
immediate native followers, that within the next few days now 
coming she would proclaim the new constitution, notwithstand- 
ing her failure to give it a successful promulgation on the pre- 
ceding Saturday. The intensity of the Queen's opposition to 
the missionaries and the white people was caused by her inten- 
tion that the Kingdom should return to its former absolute 
character, and that the best results of civilization in Hawaii 
should be obliterated. 

Civilization and constitutional government in Hawaii are the 


foster children of the American Christian missionaries. It can 
not be justly charged to the men and women who inaugurated 
this era of humanity, light and justice in these islands that 
either they or their posterity or their followers, whether native 
or foreign, have faltered in their devotion to their exalted 
purposes. They have not pursued any devious course in their 
conduct, nor have they done any wrong or harm to the Haw- 
aiian people or their native rulers. They have not betrayed 
any trust confided to them, nor have they encouraged any vice 
or pandered to any degrading sentiment or practice among 
those people. Among the native Hawaiians, where they found 
paganism in the most abhorrent forms of idolatory, debauchery, 
disease, ignorance and cruelty seventy-five years ago, they 
planted and established, with the free consent and eager 
encouragement of those natives and without the shedding 
of blood, the Christian ordinance of marriage, supplanting 
polygamy ; a reverence for the character of women and a 
respect for their rights ; the Christian Sabbath and freedom of 
religious faith and worship, as foundations of society and of the 
state ; universal education, including the kings and the pea- 
santry; temperance in place of the orgies of drunkenness that 
were all-pervading ; and the separate holding of lands upon 
which the people built their homes. In doing these benevolent 
works the American missionary did not attempt to assume the 
powers and functions of political government. As education, 
enlightenment, and the evident benefits of civilization revealed 
to those in authority the necessity of wise and faithful counsels 

in building up and regulating the government, to meet those 
new conditions, the kings invited some of the best qualified and 
most trusted of these worthy men to aid them in developing 
and conducting the civil government. As a predicate for this 
work they freely consented to and even suggested the giving 
up of some of their absolute powers and to place others under 
the constraint of constitutional limitations. They created an 
advisory council and a legislature and converted Hawaii from 
an absolute despotism into a land of law. The cabinet minis- 
ters thus chosen from the missionary element were retained in 
office during very long periods, thus establishing the confidence 
of the kings and the people in their integrity, wisdom and 
loyalty to the Government. No charge of defection, or dis- 
honesty was ever made against any of these public servants 
during the reign of the Kamehamehas, nor indeed at any time. 
They acquired property in moderate values by honest means, 
and labored to exhibit to the people the advantages of indus- 
try, frugality, economy and thrift. 

The progressive elevation of the country and of the people 
from the very depravity of paganism into an enlightened and 
educated commonwealth and the growth of their industries and 
wealth will be seen at a glance in the statements of the most 
important events and in the tables showing the most important 
results of their work and influence, which are set forth in the 
evidence accompanying this report. This array of undisputed 
facts shows that, with Christianity and education as the basis, 
there has come over Hawaii the most rapid and successful im- 


provement in political, industrial and commercial conditions 
that has marked the course of any people in Christendom. 

In the message of President Tyler to Congress he says : 

" The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of 
interest, which is increasing by every successive proof that their 
inhabitants are making progress in civilization and becoming 
more and more competent to maintain regular and orderly 
government. They lie in the Pacific Ocean, much nearer to 
this continent than the other, and have become an important 
place for the refitment and provisioning of American and 
European vessels. 

" Owing to their locality and to the course of the winds which 
prevail in this quarter of the world the Sandwich Islands are 
the stopping place for almost all vessels passing from continent 
to continent across the Pacific Ocean. They are especially 
resorted to by the great numbers of vessels of the United States 
which are engaged in the whale fishery in those seas. The 
number of vessels of all sorts and the amount of property owned 
by citizens of the United States which are found in those islands 
in the course of a year are stated probably with sufficient 
accuracy in the letter of the agents. 

"Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the "Government 
of the islands is as yet feeble ; but its dispositions appear to be 
just and pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the conditions 
of its people by the introduction of knowledge, of religious and 
moral institutions, means of education, and the arts of civilized 

In the House of Representatives this subject was referred to 
the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Hon. John Q. Adams, 
in concluding his report upon the subject, says : 

" It is a subject of cheering contemplation to the friends of 
human improvement and virtue that, by the mild and gentle 
influence of Christian charity, dispensed by humble mission- 
aries of the gospel, unarmed with secular power, within the last 
quarter of a century the people of this group of islands have 
been converted from the lowest debasement of idolatry to the 
blessings of the Christian gospel ; united under one balanced 
government ; rallied to the fold of civilization by a written 
language and constitution, providing security for the rights of 
persons, property, and mind, and invested with all the elements 
of right and power which can entitle them to be acknowledged 
by their brethren of the human race as a separate and inde- 
pendent community. To the consummation of their acknowl- 
edgment the people of the North American Union are urged 
by an interest of their own deeper than that of any other por- 
tion of the inhabitants of the earth lay a virtual right of con- 
quest, not over the freedom of their brother man by the brutal 
arm of physical power, but over the mind and heart by the 
celestial panoply of the gospel of peace and love." 

It can not be other than a proud reflection of the American 
people that the free institutions of the United States gave origin 
and impulsive zeal, as well as guidance, to the good men who 
laid these foundations of civil government in Hawaii upon 
written constitutions supported by the oaths of those in author- 


ity and loyally sustained by those of the people who are vir- 
tuous and intelligent. Nor can the American people condemn 
the firm adhesion of those whose rights are guaranteed by con- 
stitutional law in Hawaii to the demand that is now made for 
the maintenance of its permanent integrity. Jf nothing but a 
decent respect for our national example was in question, if there 
was no question in Hawaii that concerned the people of the 
United States except that of a relapse of that Government into 
absolute monarchy, if there was no degradation of society in- 
volved in this falling away, no destruction of property and 
liberty in contemplation, there would still be enough in the 
conditions now presented there to excite the most anxious 
interest of our people. Citizens of the United States with wis- 
dom, charity, Christian faith and a love of constitutional gov- 
ernment, have patiently, laboriously, and honestly built up 
Hawaii into a civilized power under a written constitution, and 
they can justly claim the sympathy and assistance of all civil- 
ized people in resisting its destruction, either to gratify a wan- 
ton lust of absolute power on the part of the Queen, or the 
abuse of its authority in fostering vice and rewarding crime. 
The facts of recent history present broadly and distinctly the 
question between an absolute and corrupt monarchy in Hawaii, 
and a government in which the rights and liberties guaranteed 
by a written constitution shall be respected and preserved. 
The facts do not show that the people who built up this consti- 
tutional system and have based upon it wholesome laws and a 
well balanced and well guarded plan of administration have 

had any desire to abrogate the organic laws, corrupt the statute 
laws, or to dethrone the Queen. In every phase of their deal- 
ings with these questions their course has been conservative, 
and the defense of their lives, liberty and property, and the 
honest administration of the government has been the real 
motive of their actions. They are not, therefore, to be justly 
classed as conspirators against the Government. That they 
turn their thoughts toward the United States and desire annex- 
ation to this country could not be denied without imputing to 
them the loss of the sentiment of love and reverence for this 
Republic that is utterly unknown to our people. 

On Monday, the 16th of January, 1893, Hawaii was passing 
through the severe ordeal of a trial which was conducted by the 
people who arrayed themselves on the side of the Queen and 
those who were organized in opposition to her revolutionary 
purposes. The Queen seems to have abandoned the controver- 
sy into the hands of the people, and made no effort to suppress 
the meeting of the citizens opposed to her revolutionary pro- 
ceedings by calling out her troops to disperse the meeting or to 
arrest its leaders. Both the meetings were quiet and orderly, 
but the meeting at the arsenal was intensely earnest, and men 
were heard to express their opinions freely and without inter- 
ruption at both meetings, and they came to their resolutions 
without disturbance. When these meetings dispersed, the 
Queen's effort to reject the constitution of 1887 had been 
approved by the one meeting held on the palace grounds and 
composed almost entirely of native Kanakas ; the other meeting 


> 210 & 212 


had resolved to establish a provisional government, and formed 
a committee to proceed with its organization. The Queen, 
though thus strongly endorsed by her native-born subjects, as 
she calls them, did not venture any arrests of the alleged revo- 
lutionists, but evidently conscious that the revolution which 
she had endeavored to set on foot had failed of sufficient sup- 
port, she did not use her troops or the police or any other power 
in the direction of asserting her royal authority. The meeting 
of the people at the arsenal was followed by organization, the 
arming of the citizens, the strong array of forces, and a deter- 
mined spirit of success which has materialized into an estab- 
lished government that has continued to exist for more than a 
year, practically without any opposition in Hawaii, and with 
the recognition of many great powers, including the United 
States. These events show, beyond reasonable dispute, the 
acceptance by the people of Hawaii of the judgment and deter- 
mination of the meeting at the arsenal that the Queen had 
abdicated, that her authority had departed, that she and her 
ministers had submitted to the inevitable, and that they 
retained no longer any substantial ground of hope or expecta- 
tion that the Queen would be restored to her former office. 

The question whether such a state of affairs as is shown by 
the undisputed facts in this case constitute an abdication and 
created an interregnum was passed upon in England with 
more care, because of the serious results that followed the 
decision, than seems to have been bestowed upon a like contro- 
versy in any other country. 

The people of Great Britain have many liberties that are 
firmly established in the traditions of that country, and on 
many occasions they have asserted their rights, as the basis of 
governmental power, with great determination and success. In 
1688, when James II was on the throne, his severe conduct, 
exercised through the judiciary of the Kingdom and in other 
ways, and a strong adhesion to the Catholic religion, caused 
the people of Great Britain to accuse him of an intention to 
violate their unwritten constitution. He was a great and 
powerful king, and had accomplished very much for the glory 
and honor of England. But the people of England held him 
to an observance of the spirit of his oath of loyalty to the con- 
stitution of that country, and, when they became satisfied that 
he had made an effort to subvert it, they in their Parliament 
passed upon the question of his abdication and held that his 
intention and effort to violate the constitution robbed him of 
his title to the crown and opened the door to the establishment 
of a new dynasty. Blackstone, in speaking of these events, 
says : 

" King James II succeeded to the throne of his ancestors, and" 
might have enjoyed it during the remainder of his life but for 
his own infatuated conduct which, with other concurring cir- 
cumstances, brought on the revolution in 1688. 

"The true ground and principle upon whioh that memorable 
event proceeeded was an entirely new case in politics, which 
had never before happened in our history the abdication of 
the reigning monarch and the vacancy of the throne thereupon. 


It was not a defeasance of the right of succession and a new 
limitation of the crown by the King and both Houses of Par- 
liament ; it was the act of the nation alone upon the conviction 
that there was no king in being. For, in a full assembly of 
the lords and commons, met in a convention upon the supposi- 
tion of this vacancy, both houses came to this resolution : 
'That King James II, having endeavored to subvert the con- 
stitution of the Kingdom by breaking the original contract 
between King and people ; and, by the advice of Jesuits aud 
other wicked persons, having violated the fundamental law and 
having withdrawn himself out of this Kingdom has abdicated 
the Government, and that the throne is hereby vacant." 1 

Proceeding further, this eminent jurist says : 

"For whenever a question arises between the society at large 
and any magistrate vested with powers originally delegated by 
that society it must be decided by the voice of the society itself: 
there is not upon earth any other tribunal to resort to. And 
that these consequences were fairly deduced from these facts 
our ancestors have solemnly determined in a full parliamentary 
convention representing the whole society." 

Further quoting from Blackstone, he says : 

''They held that this misconduct of King James amounted 
to an endeavor to subvert the constitution and not to an actual 
subversion or total dissolution of the Government, according to 
the principles of Mr. Locke, which would have reduced the 
society almost to a state of nature ; would have leveled all dis- 
tinctions of honor, rank, offices, and property ; would have 

annihilated the sovereign power, and in consequence have re- 
pealed all positive laws, and would have left the people at 
liberty to have erected a new system of State upon a new foun- 
dation of polity. They therefore very prudently voted it to 
amount to no more than an abdication of the Government and a 
consequent vacancy of the throne, whereby the Government 
was allowed to subsist though the executive magistrate was 
gone, and the kingly office to remain though King James was 
no longer King. And thus the constitution was kept entire, 
which upon every sound principle of government must other- 
wise have fallen to pieces had so principal and constituent a 
part as the royal authority been abolished or even suspended. 

"This single postulatum, the vacancy of the throne, being 
once established, the rest that was then done followed almost of 
course. For, if the throne be at any time vacant (which may 
happen by other means than that of abdication, as if all the 
blood-royal should fail, without any successor appointed by 
Parliament) if, I say, a vacancy, by any means whatsoever, 
should happen, the right of disposing of this vacancy seems 
naturally to result to the Lords and Commons, the trustees and 
representatives of the nation. For there are no other hands in 
which it can so properly be intrusted ; and there is a necessity 
of it* being intrusted somewhere, else the whole frame of gov- 
ernment must dissolve and perish." 

The principle on which this decision in regard to King James 
II rests is still stronger when it is applied to persons who are 
citizens of the United States but who reside in Hawaii, and by 


the constitution and laws of Hawaii are admitted into an active 
participation in the conduct of government, both as officehold- 
ers and as qualified electors. If they, in connection with the 
native or naturalized subjects of the Kingdom of Hawaii, unite 
in demanding the preservation of their constitutional rights, 
there should be no captious. or technical objections taken to the 
assertion of that right, or to the manner of its exercise. 

In reference to all citizens of the United States residing in 
Hawaii and not actual members or officers of that Government, 
the spirit of our laws, in accordance with the principles of the 
Constitution and the traditions of the people, should be applied 
to their protection, when it is the duty of the United States to 
protect them, and especially are they entitled to the full advan- 
tage of the protection that is afforded under that doctrine of 
personal liberty and security which upholds the authority of 
governments de facto. When such a government arises out of 
alleged abuses and grievances and is set up in good faith by 
the intelligent classes to succeed a monarchy in a state that is 
the only monarchy in a sisterhood of many republics, the rules 
governing its recognition are not those that seem to control in 
cases where the state is a sole republic surrounded by an envir- 
onment of monarchies. 

In Europe, where governmental successions have no relation 
to the will of the people, every presumption that can be made 
to support the regal system is adopted and enforced with rigid 
care. The old conditions are presumed to exist in a regal gov- 
ernment until the new government has accomplished a com- 

plete revolution and until nothing remains to be done to secure 
an uninterrupted and unembarrassed installation of its author- 
ity. Those presumptions are all in favor of the crown and are 
easily applied in practical use, as the crown is a political unit 
and acts with certainty in the assertion of its claims. When 
the rights asserted against the crown are set up by the people, 
or for the people, the act is necessarily a representative act, and 
the authority of the alleged representative is severely questioned. 
Indeed, it is not considered as existing in European countries 
until, through bloodshed or an overwhelming exhibition of 
forces, its acknowledgment is literally compelled. The re- 
verse of this rule should obtain in that part of the world where 
it is held, universally, that the right to govern depends upon 
the consent of the governed and not upon the divine inheri- 
tance of power. In a controversy like that in Hawaii the pre- 
sumption is in favor of those who unite to assert the constitu- 
tional rights of the people, that they are acting in good faith, 
and that they are not seeking personal aggrandizement, but the 
good of the people. When such a popular movement engages 
the evident support of those whom the people have trusted for 
integrity to an extent that inspires a just confidence of success 
a sufficient foundation exists, at least, for a government de facto; 
and it is no more necessary to its validity that every possible 
obstacle to its final success has been removed than it would be 
necessary, on the other hand, to the permanency of the crown 
that every rebellious subject of the Queen had been slain or 
banished and their estates had been confiscated. 


The supporters of Liliuokalani seem to be enforced into the 
attitude of claiming that it is no consequence that she may 
have forfeited her right to the crown and had placed in the 
power of the people lawfully to claim that this was an abdica- 
tion, unless the people had overcome and removed every vestige 
of her power before they proclaimed the Provisional Govern- 
ment. Her known purpose to press the absolute powers 
claimed by her in the new constitution to the extent of the ban- 
ishment or death of the white population seems not to be per- 
mitted to excuse the action of the people in displacing her, if 
they had not captured her small force of policemen and soldiers 
before the American minister had recognized the Provisional 

Liliuokalani did not seem to take this narrow view of the 
revolution which she had inaugurated. 

The banishment or death of the white people and the confis- 
cation of their estates was the final decree recorded in the 
Queen's heart and mind, as she freely stated to Minister Willis, 
and until this cruel work had been accomplished she held that 
her policy of revolution would be a failure. There is some 
ground for hope that these were not her sincere purposes or 
wishes but that in giving expression to them she was ''playing 
a part." As opposed to such purposes, or to a Queen who could 
imagine them in the presence of the constitutional protection 
given to the rights and liberties of the people throughout this 
hemisphere, Americans should not hesitate in the support of a 
government de facto, set up to oppose her, because she had not 

made a formal surrender of a place where a few soldiers and 
policemen had been stationed, who were powerless to hold it 
against the people then under arms. It was an act of mercy to 
her and her retainers that they were not forced into the com- 
mission of acts of violence. An interregnum existed in the 
executive Government of Hawaii, which was caused by the 
effort of the Queen to destroy the constitution of 1887, and by 
the act of the people in accepting her will for the completed 
coup d' etnt, and, in making that the occasion for supplying the 
executive department of the Government with a chief. 

A careful investigation has failed to show that any conspir- 
acy now exists that is directed to the virtual displacement of 
the Provisional Government. The personal efforts of the Queen 
seem to have been directed toward a provision for a safe and 
comfortable life, free from the anxiety of office and " the stress 
of her native subjects." Her power of attorney to Paul 
Neumann and his mission to the United States indicate a reli- 
ance on the "arts of peace" rather than of war for indemnity 
for the past and security for the future. The opinions, or senti- 
ments, expressed by her in the three interviews she had with 
Mr. Willis, in which she uttered the severest denunciations 
against the white race in Hawaii, and declared her willingness, 
if not her purpose, to confiscate their estates and to banish or 
to destroy them, while they are a seeming expression of the 
lofty indignation of an offended ruler, are so unsuited to the 
character of a queen crowned by a Christian and civilized peo- 
ple, and so out of keeping with her character as a woman who 


had received kindly recognition and personal regard from other 
good and refined ladies, that they shock all right-minded people 
in Christendom. The Government of the United States should 
willingly forbear to regard these utterances as her official ex- 
pression of such designs upon the lives and liberties of those 
whom she would find in her power, upon her restoration to the 
throne, and accept them as a means adopted by her to convince 
Mr. Willis that her restoration to the throne was impossible, 
and was not in accordance with her wishes. 

The President, on the first intimation of these harsh declara- 
tions of the Queen, at once laid them before Congress, and 
abandoned the further exercise of his good offices to bring about 
a reconciliation between her and those who were conducting 
and supporting the Provisional Government. 

Mr. Willis, however, regarding his instructions as continuing 
to require his intercession beyond the point where the President 
considered that it should cease, held a second and third inter- 
view with Liliuokalani. After these interviews had closed, the 
Queen being still firm in her course, Mr. Carter, a trusted friend, 
obtained her signature to a pledge of amnesty, and made that 
the basis of his proposition to Mr. Dole for the abandonment of 
the Provisional Government, which was summarily refused. 
This closed that incident. Mr. Willis, in what he did, obeyed 
what he conceived to be his instructions, and being so distant 
from Washington, it is a matter of regret, but not of surprise, 
that there was an apparent want of harmony between his action 
in continuing his interviews with Liliuokalani after the Presi- 

dent had determined that the full duty of the Government had 
been performed. 

The attitude of Liliuokalani at the conclusion of this proceed- 
ing is that of waiting for a pleasant retirement from the cares 
of public life, rather than of waiting for an opportunity to bring 
about a hostile collision with the people who support the new 
order of government in Hawaii. 

In dealing with a grave subject, now for the first time pre- 
sented in America, we must consider the conditions of public 
sentiment as to monarchic government, and we shall derive 
also material help from the light of English history. In the 
Western Hemisphere, except as to the colonial relation, which 
has become one of mere political alliance chiefly for commercial 
reasons and does not imply in any notable case absolute sub- 
jection to imperial or royal authority, royalty no longer exists. 
When a crown falls, in any kingdom of the Western Hemi- 
sphere, it is pulverized, and when a scepter departs, it departs 
forever; and American opinion can not sustain any American 
ruler in the attempt to restore them, no matter how virtuous 
and sincere the reasons may be that seem to justify him. 
There have been heathen temples in the older States in this 
hemisphere where the bloody orgies of pagan worship and sacri- 
fice have crimsoned history with shame ; and very recently 
such temples have been erected in the United States to abuse 
Christianity by the use of its sacred name and ritual. When 
the arms of invaders, or mobs of the people, have destroyed 
these temples, no just indignation at the cruelties that may 


have been perpetrated in their destruction could possibly 
justify their restoration. 

It is a great blessing to this Western World that the nations 
are to be spared the calamities which Blackstone describes as 
" imbruing the kingdom of England in blood and confusion," 
growing out of claims of succession to the crown. In almost 
every reign prior to that of the present house of Hanover the 
lives and property of the people of England, amid the greatest 
cruelties, have been sacrificed in settling pretensions to the crown. 
It was these conflicts and this distress of innocent sufferers that 
caused the people to claim through the judges the protection of 
the doctrine that service rendered to the king, who held the 
scepter was lawful, although he was not rightfully in possession 
of the crown. No greater liberty of the people was ever devised 
or granted than the right of protection under a king </ /rtcfo 
against a king de jure. 

De facto governments, when they seek to supply the gap 
created by an interregnum, are favored in the international 
law, and when they are also based on the right of popular gov- 
ernment in conflict with regal government, or to prevent its 
re-establishment, once it has disappeared in a State of the 
Western Hemisphere, it is so rooted and established in the 
foundations of the rightful authority to rule that it is justly to 
be ranked among the cardinal liberties of the people. 

This doctrine is not new, and yet it is modern in England, 
where the right to the crown and its prerogatives have bled the 
people for fifteen centuries. The stringent doctrine that a 

de facto government must be established firmly in all respects 
before it is entitled to recognition by another sovereign and 
power had no application to the facts and circumstances that 
attended the recent revolution in Hawaii ; moreover if the 
revolution there had been directed against the entire govern- 
ment and for the overthrow of the constitution of 1887, and all 
monarchic rule, if it was a sincere, strong, earnest and success- 
ful movement of the people for the recovery of their natural 
right to rule themselves, they should not be narrowly ques- 
tioned and held to rigid account for a proper and discreet per- 
formance of every act necessary to their resumption' of their 
natural rights, but all America must unite in the declaration 
that, under such circumstances, the presumption of law should 
be favorable to such movements, rather than unfriendly to the 
establishment by the people of the foundations of their liberties, 
based upon their right to govern themselves. 

The parliament of Hawaii had been prorogued by the Queen 
on the 14th day of January, and could not be again assembled 
under the constitution, except by the chief executive authority. 
Until that authority was supplied in some way therefore, the 
Legislature could not be reconvened. It was the establishment 
of that authority, the chief executive head of the nation, which 
was the question at issue, and when that was decided, an appeal 
to the Legislature of Hawaii for its confirmation or ratification 
was not only unnecessary, but might have resulted in a counter- 
revolution. It was, therefore, in the interest of peace, good 
order, and right government, that the people of Hawaii, who 






were unopposed in their process of organizing an executive head 
for the Government, should proceed to do so as they did, reg- 
ularly and in an orderly, firm and successful manner. Thus 
the abdication of Liliuokalani was confirmed and has so con- 
tinued from that day to this. The Government of the United 
States has on various occasions recognized the succession to the 
executive authority as residing in the Provisional Government 
initiated at that public meeting at the arsenal and consum- 
mated on the 17th day of January by public proclamation- 
Then, on the 19th day of January according to the recognition 
of the United States from which there has been no dissent or 
departure, the interregnum ceased, aud the executive head of 
the Government of Hawaii was established. Until this was 
completed, on the 17th day of January, by the proclamation of 
the Provisional Government, the United States was still 
charged, under every principle of law and justice, and under 
the highest obligation of duty, to keep her forces in Honolulu, 
and to enforce, in virtue of her sovereign authority, the rights 
of her citizens under the treaty obligations and also under the 
laws of Hawaii, relating to the safety of person and property 
and the rights of industry, commerce and hospitality in their 
free pursuit and enjoyment. And when the Provisional Gov- 
ernment was thus established, it rested with the United States 
to determine whether the Government of Hawaii was so far 
rehabilitated and so safely established that these rights of her 
citizens could be intrusted to its keeping. The recognition of 
such a state of affairs, within a country whose executive depart- 

ment has been made vacant in consequence of domestic strife, is 
quite a separate and different proceeding, both in form and 
effect, from the recognition of the political independence of a 
government that is complete in its organization. In the latter 
case the recognition excludes all rights of interference in its 
domestic affairs, while in the former it is the right and duty of 
supplying the protection of law to the citizen that makes inter- 
ference necessary as well as lawful. 

The independence of Hawaii as a sovereign State had been 
long recognized by the United States, and this unhappy 
occasion did not suggest the need of renewing that declaration. 
The question presented in Honolulu on and after the 12th of 
January, 1893, was whether the Queen continued to be the 
executive head of the Government of Hawaii. That was a 
question of fact which her conduct and that of her people 
placed in perilous doubt until it was decided by the proclama- 
tion of a new executive. Pending that question, there was no 
responsible executive government in Hawaii. On the 17th of 
January that doubt was resolved to the satisfaction of the 
American Minister, and of all other representatives of foreign 
governments in Hawaii, in favor of the Provisional Govern- 
ment. This recognition did not give to the Government of 
Hawaii the legal or moral right to expel the troops of any 
government, stationed in Honolulu in the period of interreg- 
num, until it had so firmly established its authority as to give 
to foreigners the security to provide for which these troops liad 
been landed. Good faith and honest respect for the right of 


friendly nations would certainly require the withdrawal of all duty or abridge his right to call for the troops on the Bontnn to 

further interference with the domestic affairs of Hawaii as soon 
as that Government had provided security that was reasonably 
sufficient for the protection of the citizens of the United States. 
But the Government of the United States had the right to keep 
its troops in Honolulu until these conditions were performed, 
and the Government of Hawaii could certainly acquiesce in 
such a policy without endangering its independence or detract- 
ing from its dignity. This was done, and the troops from the 
Boston camped on shore for several months. The precise hour 
when or the precise conditions under which the American 
Minister recognized the Provisional Government is not a matter 
of material importance. It was his duty, at the earliest safe 
period, to assist by his recognition in the termination of the 
interregnum, so that citizens of the United States might be 
safely remitted to the care of that Government for the security 
of their rights. As soon as he was convinced that the Provi- 
sional Government was secure against overthrow, it was his 
duty to recognize the rehabilitated State. Whether this was 
done an hour or two sooner or later could make no substantial 
difference as to his rights or duties, if he was satisfied that the 
movement was safe against reversal. If no question of the 
annexation of Hawaii to the United States had existed, the con- 
duct of the American minister in giving official recognition to 
the Provisional Government would not have been the subject 
of adverse criticism. But the presence of that question and his 
anxious advocacv of annexation did not relieve him from the 

protect the citizens of the United States, during an interregnum 
in the office of chief executive of Hawaii. They were not to be 
put into a state of outlawry and peril if the minister had been 
opposed to annexation, nor could his desire on that subject in any 
way affect their rights or his duty. He gave to them the protec- 
tion they had the right to demand, and, in respect <>f his action 
up to this point, so far as it related to Hawaii, his opinions as 
to annexation have not affected the attitude of the United States 
Government, and the committee find, no cause of censure either 
against Minister Stevens or Captain Wiltse, of the Burton. 

Afterward, on the 1st day of February, 1893, the American 
minister caused the flag of the United States to be raised on 
the Government building in Honolulu, and assumed and de- 
clared a protectorate over that nation in the name of the United 
States. This act on the part of our minister was without 
authority, and was void for want of power. It was disavowed 
by Secretary Foster and rebuked by Secretary Gresham, and 
the order to abandon the protectorate and haul down the flag 
was in accordance with the duty and honor of the United 
States. To haul down the flag of the United States was only 
an order to preserve its honor. 

The diplomatic officers of the United States in Hawaii have 
the right to much larger liberty of action in respect to the 
internal affairs of that country than would be the case with 
any other country with which we have no peculiar or special 
relations. In our diplomatic correspondence with Hawaii and 


in the various treaties, some of them treaties of annexation, 
which have been signed and discussed, though not ratified, 
from time to time, 'there has been manifested a very near 
relationship between the two governments. The history of 
Hawaii in its progress, education, development, and govern- 
ment, and in Christianity, has been closely identified with that 
of the United States so closely, indeed, that the United States 
has not at any time hesitated to declare that it would permit 
no intervention in the affairs of Hawaii by any foreign govern- 
ment which might tend to disturb the relations with the United 
States, or to gain any advantage there over the Americans who 
may have settled in that country. The United States has 
assumed and deliberately maintained toward Hawaii a relation 
which is entirely exceptional, and has no parallel in our deal- 
ings with any other people. 

The justification for this attitude is not a matter with which 
this inquiry is necessarily connected, but its existence furnishes 
a good excuse, if excuse is needed, for a very lively concern on 
the part of our diplomatic representatives in everything that 
relates to the progress of that people. 

The causes that have led to this peculiar situation are alto- 
gether apparent. They are in every sense honorable, just, 
and benevolent. One nation can not assume such an attitude 
toward another, especially if the latter is, by contrast, small 
weak and dependent upon the good will or forbearance of the 
world to its existence, without giving to it a guaranty of exter- 
nal and internal security. 

The attitude of the United States toward Hawaii, thus volun- 
tarily assumed, gives to Hawaii the right to regard it as such a 

In the absence of a police to establish a colonial system and 
of any disposition for territorial aggrandizement, the Govern- 
ment of the United States looked with approbation and gave 
encouragement to the labors and influence of its citizens in 
Hawaii, in laying the groundwork of a free and independent 
government there, which, in its principles and in the distribu- 
tion of powers, should be like our own and ultimately become 
republican in form. This has been the unconcealed wish of the 
people of the United states, in which many of the native Haw- 
aiians have participated. 

Observing the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, the United 
States, in the beginning of our relations with Hawaii, made a 
firm and distinct declaration of the purpose to prevent the absorp- 
tion of Hawaii or the political control of that country by any for- 
eign power. Without stating the reasons for this policy, which 
included very important commercial and military considera- 
tions, the attitude of the United States toward Hawaii was in 
moral effect that of a friendly protectorate. It has been a set- 
tled policy of the United States that if it should turn out that 
Hawaii, for any cause, should not be able to maintain an inde- 
pendent government, that country would be encouraged in its 
tendency to gravitate toward political union with thie country. 

The treaty relations between Hawaii and the United States, 
as fixed by several conventions that have been ratified, and by 


other negotiations have been characterized by a sentiment of given to our diplomatic and consular officers and to the naval 

close reciprocity. In additions to trade relations of the highest 
advantage to Hawaii, the United States has so far interfered 
with the internal policy of Hawaii as to secure an agreement 
from that Government restricting the disposal of bays and har- 
bors and to the crown lands to other countries, and has secured 
exclusive privileges in Pearl Harbor of great importance to this 

This attitude of the two governments and the peculiar friend- 
ship of the two peoples, together with the advantages given to 
Hawaii in commerce, induced a large and very enterprising 
class of people from the United States to migrate to these 
islands and to invest large sums of money in the cultivation of 
sugar and rice, and in other trade and industry. The introduc- 
tion of laborers from Japan and China in great numbers gave 
to the governing power in Hawaii a new and very significant 
importance, and made it necessary, for the protection of the 
interest of the white or European peoples and the natives, that 
the safeguards of the organic law of the Kingdom should be 
carefully preserved. In the efforts to secure these guarantees 
of safe government, no distinction of race was made as to the 
native or Kanaka population, but the Chinese and Japanese 
were excluded from participation in the government as voters, 
or as officeholders. 

Apprehensions of civil disturbance in Hawaii caused the 
United States to keep ships of war at Honolulu for many years 
past, almost without intermission, and the instructions that were 

commanders on that station went beyond the customary instruc- 
tions applicable to other countries. In most instances, the 
instructions so given included the preservation of order and of 
the peace of the country, as well as the protection and preserva- 
tion of the property and of the lives and treaty rights of 
American citizens. 

The circumstances above mentioned, which the evidence 
shows to have existed, created a new light under which we 
must examine into the conduct of our diplomatic and naval 
officers in respect of the revolution that occurred in Hawaii in 
January, 1898. In no sense, and at no time, has the Govern- 
ment of the United States observed toward the domestic affairs 
of Hawaii the strict impartiality and the indifference enjoined 
by the general law of non-interference, in the absence of excep- 
tional conditions. We have always exerted the privilege of 
interference in the domestic policy of Hawaii to a degree that 
would not be justified under our view of the international law, 
in reference to the affairs of Canada, Cuba or Mexico. 

The cause of this departure from our general course of diplo- 
matic conduct is the recognized fact that Hawaii has been all 
the time under a virtual suzerainty of the United States, 
which is, by an apt and familiar definition, a paramount 
authority, not in any actual sense and actual sovereignty, but 
a de facto supremacy over the country. This sense of para- 
mount authority, of supremacy, with the right to intervene in 
the affairs of Hawaii, has never been lost sight of by the United 


States to this day, and it is conspicuously manifest in the 
correspondence of Mr. Willis with Mr. Dole, which is set forth 
in the evidence which accompanies this report. 

Another fact of importance in considering the conduct of our 
diplomatic and naval officers during the revolution of January, 
1893, is that the annexation of Hawaii to the United States has 
been the subject of careful study and almost constant contem- 
plation among Hawaiians and their kings since the beginning 
of the reign of Kamehameha I. This has always been regarded 
by the ruling power in Hawaii as a coveted and secure retreat 
a sort of house of refuge whenever the exigencies of fate might 
compel Hawaii to make her choice between home rule and 
foreign domination, either in the form of a protectorate, or of 
submission to some foreign sovereign. 

Hawaii has always desired an escape to a freer government, 
when she has to be forced to the point where the surrender of 
racial pride and her standing as a nation would be the severe , 
penalty of her weakness. Hawaiian prefer citizenship in a 
great republic to the slavery of subjection to any foreign mon- 
archy. Annexation to the United States has never been re- 
garded with aversion, or with a sense of national degradation, 
by the Hawaiian people. On the contrary, it has been adopted 
as a feature of political action by those who have attempted 
to recommend themselves to the support of the people in times 
of danger. 

In the revolution of January, 1893, those who assumed the 
sovereign power, declaring that there was an interregnum, made 

it a conspicuous part of their avowed purpose to remain in 
authority until Hawaii should be annexed to the United States. 
This was stated as an argument for the creation of a Provi- 
sional Government, without which there would be less advan- 
tage in the change of the situation. Annexation was an avowed 
purpose of the Provisional Government, because it would popu- 
larize the movement. No one could project a revolution in 
Hawaii for the overthrow of the monarchy, that would not raise 
the question among the people of annexation to the United 

In the diplomatic correspondence of the United States with 
our ministers to Hawaii, frequent and favorable allusion is 
made to this subject as a matter of friendly consideration for 
the advantage of that country and people, and not as a result 
that would enhance the wealth or power of the United States. 
This treatment of the subject began very early in the history of 
Hawaiian civilization, and it was taken up and discussed by 
the people of the islands as a topic of patriotic inspiration. It 
was their habit to celebrate the anniversary of the independ- 
ence of the United States as a national fete day. So that, there 
was no thought of conspiracy against the monarchy in openly 
favoring the project of annexation. Whether annexation is 
wise and beneficial to both countries is a question that must 
receive the consideration of both governments before it can be 
safely settled. 

The testimony taken by the committee discloses the well- 
considered opinion of several of our most eminent naval and 


military officers, that the annexation of Hawaii is a fact indis- 
pensable to the proper defense and protection of our western 
coast and cities But this is a matter with which the committee 
is not especially charged, and reference is made to these 
opinions as supporting the statement that all intelligent men 
in Hawaii and in the United States who have taken pains to 
consider the subject, are convinced that the question is one 
deserving of thorough investigation and a correct and friendly 
decision. The question of annexation, however, is distinctly 
presented in the proclamation of the Provisional Government 
as one to be settled by the action of the Government of the 
United States. 

Commissioners to treat with the United Sates for the annex- 
ation of Hawaii were sent- to Washington immediately upon 
the adoption and promulgation of the Provisional Government, 
and they negotiated and signed a treaty in conjunction with 
Mr. Secretary Foster, which was submitted to the Senate of the 
United States and was subsequently withdrawn by the present 
administration. Accompanying that treaty was a paper signed 
by Liliuokalani, in which she stated no objection to the project 
of annexation to the United States, but in which she protested 
earnestly against her dethronement, and alleged that the United 
States, through the abuse by its diplomatic and naval officers 
of the powers entrusted to them, had virtually compelled 
her abdication. The President of the United States, after a 
further examination of the subject, concluded that it was his 
duty to withdraw this annexation treaty from the Senate for 

further consideration, and so notified the Provisional Govern- 
ment through Mr. Willis, our present minister. 

The recognition of the Provisional Government was lawful 
and authoritative, and has continued without interruption or 
modification up to the present time. It may be justly claimed 
for this act of recognition that it has contributed greatly to the 
maintenance of peace and order in Hawaii, and to the promo- 
tion of the establishment of free, permanent, constitutional 
government in Hawaii, based upon the consent of the people. 

The complaint by Liliuokalani in the protest that she sent to 
the President of the United States and dated the 18th day of 
January, is not in the opinion of the committee, well founded 
in fact or in justice. It appears from the evidence submitted 
with this report that she was in fact the author and promoter 
of a revolution in Hawaii which involved the destruction of the 
entire constitution, and a breach of her solemn oath to observe 
and support it, and it was only after she had ascertained that 
she had made a demand upon her native subjects for support 
in this movement which they would not give to her, that she, 
for the time, postponed her determination to do so as soon as 
she could feel that she had the power to sustain the movement. 

But the President of the United States, giving attention to 
Liliuokalani's claim that this Government had alarmed her by 
the presence of its troops into the abdication of her crown, 
believed that it was proper and necessary in vindication of the 
honor of the United States to appoint a commissioner to Hawaii 
who would make a careful investigation into the facts and send 


the facts and his conclusions to the President, for his informa- 
tion. The commissioner, Mr. Blount, went to Hawaii under 
circumstances of extreme embarrassment and executed his in- 
structions with impartial care to arrive at the truth, and he 
presented a sincere and instructive report to the President of 
the United States, touching the facts, the knowledge of which 
he thus acquired. In the agitated state of opinion and feeling 
in Hawaii at that time it was next to impossible to obtain a 
full, fair, and free declaration in respect of the facts which 
attended this revolution, and particularly was this difficult to 
obtain from the persons who actively partiripated in that move- 

The evidence submitted by the committee, in addition to that 
which was presented by Mr. Blount, having been taken under 
circumstances more favorable to the development of the whole 
truth with regard to the situation, has, in the opinion of the 
committee, established the fact that the revolutionary movement 
in Hawaii originated with Liliuokalani, and was promoted, 
provided for, and, as she believed, secured by the passage of the 
opium bill and the lottery bill through the Legislature, from 
which she expected to derive a revenue sufficient to secure the 
ultimate success of her purpose, which was distinctly and 
maturely devised to abolish the constitution of 1887, and to 
assume to herself absolute power, free from constitutional re- 
straint of any serious character. 

The fact cannot be ignored that this revolutionary movement 
of Liliuokalani, which had its development in the selection of a 

new cabinet to supplant one which had the support of all the 
conservative elements in the islands, was set on foot and accom- 
plished during the absence of the American minister on board 
the ship Boston during the ten days which preceded the proro- 
gation of the Legislature. The astonishment with which this 
movement was received by the American emigrants and other 
white people residing in Hawaii, and its inauguration in the 
absence of the Boston and the American minister, show that 
those people, with great anxiety, recognized the fact that it was 
directed against them and their interests and welfare, and that 
when it was completed they would become its victims. These 
convictions excited the serious apprehensions of all the white 
people in those islands that a crisis was brought about in which 
not only their rights in Hawaii, and under the constitution, 
were to be injuriously affected, but that the ultimate result 
would be that they would be driven from the islands or, 
remaining there, would be put at the mercy of those who chose 
to prey upon their property. This class of people, who are 
intended to be ostracised supply nine-tenths of the entire tax 
receipts of the kingdom ; and they were conscious that the pur- 
pose was to inflict taxation upon them without representation, 
or else to confiscate their estates and drive them out of the 
country. This produced alarm and agitation, which resulted 
in the counter movement set on foot by the people to meet and 
overcome the revolution which Liliuokalani had projected and 
had endeavored to accomplish. Her ministers were conscious 
of the fact that any serious resistance to her revolutionary 


movement (of which they had full knowledge before they 
were inducted into office) would disappoint the expectations of 
the Queen and would result in the overthrow of the executive 
government; and. while they had evidently promised the Queen 
that they would support her in her effort to abolish the con- 
stitution of 1887 and substitute one which they had secretly 
assisted in preparing, when the moment of the trial came they 
abandoned her they broke faith with her. The Queen's min- 
isters took fright and gave information to the people of the 
existence of the movements and concealed purposes of the 
Queen and of her demands upon them to join her in the pro- 
imilgation of the constitution, and they appealed to the com- 
mittee of safety for protection, and continued in that attitude 
until they saw that the kindled wrath of the people would not 
take the direction of violence and bloodshed without the provo- 
cation of a serious necessity. Being satisfied that they could 
trust to the forbearance of the people, who were looking to the 
protection of their interests and had no desire for strife and 
bloodshed they began to finesse in a political way to effect a 
compromise between the people and the Queen, and they in- 
duced her to make the proclamation of her intentions to post- 
pone the completion of her revolutionary purposes, which was 
circulated in Honolulu on Monday morning. These men, 
whose conduct cannot be characterized as anything less than 
perfidious, hastened to give to the President of the United 
States false and misleading statements of the facts leading up 
to, attending, and succeeding this revolution. To do this they 

made deceptive and misleading statements to Mr. Blount. Up- 
on them must rest the odium of having encouraged the Queen 
in her revolutionary intentions ; of having then abandoned her 
in a moment of apparent danger ; of having thrown themselves 
upon the mercy of the people, and then of making an attempt, 
through falsehood and misrepresentation, to regain power in 
the Government of Hawaii, which the people would naturally, 
forever deny to them. 

A question has been made as to the right of the President of 
the United States to despatch Mr. Blount to Hawaii as his 
personal representative for the purpose of seeking the further 
information which the President believed was necessary in 
order to arrive at a just conclusion regarding the state of affairs 
in Hawaii. Many precedents could be quoted to show that 
such power has been exercised by the President on various 
occasions without dissent on the part of Congress or the people 
of the United States. The employment of such agencies is a 
necessary part of the, proper exercise of the diplomatic power 
which is intrusted by the constitution with the President. 
Without such authority our foreign relations would be so em- 
barrassed with difficulties that it would be impossible to con- 
duct them with safety or success. These precedents also show 
that the Senate of the United States, though in session, need 
not be consulted as to the appointment of such agents, or as to 
the instructions which the President may give them. 

An authority was instrusted to Mr. Blount to remove the 
American flag from the Government building in Hawaii, and 




to disclaim openly and practically the protectorate which had 
been announced in that country by Minister Stevens, and also 
to remove the troops from Honolulu to the steamer Boston. 
This particular delegation of authority to Mr. Blount was para- 
mount over the authority of Mr. Stevens, who was continued 
as minister resident of the United States at Honolulu, and it 
raised the question whether the Government of the United 
States can have at the same foreign capital two ministers, each 
of whom shall exercise separate and special powers. 

There seems to be no reason why the Government of the 
United States cannot, in conducting its diplomatic intercourse 
with other countries, exercise powers as broad and general, or 
as limited and peculiar, or special, as any other government. 
Other governments have been for many years, and even cen- 
turies, in the habit of intrusting special and particular missions 
to one man representing them at a foreign court, and to several 
men in combination when that was found to be desirable. In 
fact, there has been no limit placed upon the use of a power of 
this kind, except the discretion of the sovereign or ruler of 
the country. The committee fail to see that there is any 
irregularity in such a course as that, or that the power given to 
Mr. Blount to withdraw the troops from Honolulu or to lower 
the flag of the United States was to any extent either dangerous 
or interrupting to any other lawful authority existing there in 
any diplomatic or naval officer. There may be a question as 
to the particular wording of the order which Mr. Blount gave to 
Admiral Skerrett for the lowering of the flag and the with- 

drawal of the troops, but that is hypercriticism, because the 
substantial fact was that Mr. Blount 'executed the command 
of the President in communicating to Admiral Skerrett such 
order, as the order of the President of the United States. Mr. 
Blount's authority had been made known to Admiral Skerrett; 
his instructions had been exhibited to Admiral Skerrett ; and 
they both understood that what Mr. Blount was then doing had 
received the sanction of the President of the United States 
before Mr. Blount had entered upon the discharge of his minis- 
terial functions, and that his act would receive the unqualified 
approval of the President of the United States. That being so, 
the mere form in which the order was addressed to Admiral 
Skerrett seems to be a matter of no serious consequence. 

The control given to Mr. Trist over the military operations 
in Mexico, when war was flagrant, was far greater than that 
which was confided to Mr. Blount. The secret orders given to 
the commanders of the Army and of the Navy on that occasion 
are set out in the appendix to this report. 

When Mr. Willis arrived in Honolulu he was received by the 
Provisional Government, to which he was accredited, and an 
interchange of the usual courtesies was had between them. He 
carried instructions, as Minister of the United States, which 
did not concern the Government of Hawaii until they had been 
attended with a certain result which he endeavoured to bring 
about. That result was that Liliuokalani should agree that, 
in the event of her restoration to the throne, not by the action 
of the President of the United States, but in any other event, 


or by any agreement, she would bind herself to grant full and 
free amnesty to all persons who had been engaged in opposition 
to her alleged authority. When that agreement had been 
obtained, Mr. Willis was instructed to submit it to the Provi- 
sional Government and ascertain whether they would agree to 
restore the Queen to the throne under those circumstances and 
upon tho^e conditions. If this was intervention, it was in the 
interest of Americans in Hawaii. It was an exaction upon 
Liliuokalani which would forbid, under the penalty of war, 
that should she acquire the throne by whatever means, that she 
should openly disavow any purpose to inflict any pains and 
penalties upon those who had supported the Provisional Gov- 
ernment. Liliuokalani, after several efforts on the part of Mr. 
Willis to obtain her consent to this proposition, finally signed 
it without the assent of her ministers, and it was attested by 
Mr. Carter, who was a personal and political friend. Her de- 
claration or agreement thus signed and delivered to Mr. Willis 
was by him presented to the President of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment (who was also minister of foreign affairs), and the 
question whether or not it would be accepted by the Govern- 
ment of Hawaii was submitted to him. Whereupon the Presi- 
dent of the Provisional Government declined to accept the 
proposition ; declined to yield the power which had been vested 
in him as the chief executive of Hawaii ; and nothing more was 
done either to induce him, or to compel him, to consent to, or 
to assist in, the restoration of Liliuoknlani to the throne or to 
the restoration of the Monarchy. 

If, in this course of proceedings, the President of the United 
States had intended to compel obedience to what is termed his 
"decision" in the matter by using the force of the United 
States to assist' the Queen in being enthroned, that would have 
been an act of war, entirely beyond his power, and would not 
have received the sanction of any considerable part of the 
American people, and would have no warrant in international 
law. But such was not the intention of ths President, as is 
shown by contemporaneous acts, by his declarations, and by 
his subsequent treatment of the subject. Therefore, the ques- 
tion between the United States and Hawaii touching the pro- 
priety of an intervention in the domestic affairs of Hawaii to 
the extent of gaining the final decision and agreement of both 
parties upon these propositions is one that is strictly within 
the accepted right or authority of a sovereign to tender his 
good offices to reconcile the conflicts of two or more factions, or 
parties, that may be opposed to each other within any country. 
The tender of good offices has often been voluntarily made in 
the interest of humanity, of peace, of law, of order, or at the 
suggestion of one or two belligerent powers actually engaged in 
war. Sometimes it has been made at the suggestion of that 
party in a government, engaged in actual hostilities which had 
the evident power to crush its opponent by prosecuting the war 
to extremities. In such cases the intervention has often been 
accepted as a merciful interposition, and it has been considered 
an honor by other governments that they should be requested, 
under such circumstances, to exercise their good offices in favor 


of procuring peace through a submission to inevitable results. 
When the tender of good offices is made at the request of both 
of the contending parties it is difficult to conceive how any 
sovereign of a foreign country could refuse to act in such 

In the public act by which the Provisional Government of 
Hawaii was established there was a distinct declaration that 
the Government was to continue until Hawaii was annexed to 
the United States. That declaration, apart from every other 
consideration, would have justified the United States in an 
interference for the protection of the Provisional Government 
which would not have been tolerated under other circum- 
stances. That declaration created an intimacy of relationship 
between the United States and the recognized Government of 
Hawaii which is entirely exceptional, and which placed within 
the reach and control of the United States very largely, if not 
entirely, the disposal of those questions collateral to that of 
annexation which might have interfered with the peaceful and 
appropriate solution of any difficulty which might arise in its 
execution. So that the Provisional Government of Hawaii, 
having thus thrown itself into the arhis of the United States in 
the first declaration of its existence, can not justly complain 
that the United States should scrutinize, under the authority 
thus given, all its pretensions of right thus to dispose of an 
entire country and people. And Liliuokalani, having reference 
to the same project of annexation, of which she was fully 
cognizant, made complaint that the United States had assisted 

in driving her from her throne by bringing its troops on shore 
in military array at a time when there was no necessity for it, 
distinctly announced at the moment of her final and avowed 
abdication that she would abdicate provisionally and would 
await the decision of the United States as to whether that 
abdication and the destruction of the kingdom and the annexa- 
tion of Hawaii to the United States should become completed 
facts. Under such circumstances the President of the United 
States, believing that the information then in possession of the 
Government was not sufficient to justify summary annexation, 
could not have done justice to himself, to his country, to the 
people of Hawaii, to the Provisional Government, or to Liliu- 
okalani, without having made an effort to use his good offices 
for the purpose of ascertaining whether it was practicable that 
the Queen should be restored to her authority, leaving the 
question to be determined by the people interested in Hawaii 
whether such restoration would be acceptable to them or not. 
If Liliuokalani had been restored to her throne by the consent 
of the membership of the Provisional Government, upon the 
terms and conditions of the proposition which she signed and 
delivered to Mr. Willis, the President of the United States 
would not have been in any sense responsible for her restora- 
tion, would not have espoused the monarchy, nor would he 
have done anything that was contradictory of American senti- 
ment, opinion, or policy. He would only have been the mutual 
friend, accepted, really, by both parties, whose intervention 
would have secured, with their consent, the final solution of 


that question. In the absence of such committal on his part to 
the claims of Liliuokalani or resistance on his part to the 
recognized rights of the Provisional Government, there is no 
reason for withholding approval of the conduct of the Presi- 
dent of the United States in thus accepting and executing a 
function which he was entitled to perform, in submitting the 
question, in due and final form, to the contending parties or 
factions in Hawaii, whether they preferred to maintain the 
authority of the Provisional Government, with whatever results 
may follow from that, or a return to the monarchy under 

Therefore your committee conclude to report that the Presi- 
dent of the United States has not, in this particular, in any 
wise been a party to any irregularity or any impropriety of 
conduct in his high office. 

The committee find nothing worthy of criticism in the nego- 
tiation of the treaty of annexation with the Provisional Gov- 
ernment of Hawaii. 

The revolution in Hawaii had the effect of displacing one 
chief of the executive department and substituting another. 
Except the Queen and her cabinet, no officer of the Govern- 
ment was removed. The legislative body, including the house 
of nobles and house of representatives and their presiding 
officers, remained in commission. The supreme court and all 
other judicial magistracies and the officers of the courts were 
left undisturbed, and, when the interregnum ended, they pur- 
sued their duties without change of interruption; commerce 

with foreign countries and between the islands was not in any way 
prevented, and the commercial and banking houses were open for 
business, which resumed activity when the executive head of 
the Government was again in the exercise of lawful authority. 

The Government had not been displaced and another substi- 
tuted, but only a department which was left vacant had been 

When this was done and the fact was recognized, the Gov- 
ernment of Hawaii was as competent to treat of annexation to 
the United States as it had ever been, or as it will ever be, 
until the United States shall decide that it will annex no more 
territory unless with the consent of the people to be annexed, 
to be ascertained by a plebiscite. 

Complaint is made also that this project of annexation was 
attempted to be consumated in too great haste. 

That raises a question of due consideration; for, if the people 
of both countries desired it, or if, according to every precedent 
to be found in the various annexations of countries and States 
to the United States, the respective governments desired it, 
speedy action in completing the cession was desirable for many 
obvious reasons, among which the injurious disturbance of 
commerce and danger to the public peace growing out of a pro- 
tracted agitation of so grave a matter, are conspicuous. 

But this is a question of long standing, which has been 
under favorable consideration by the kings and people of 
Hawaii and the Government and people of the United States 
for more than fifty years. 


It is well understood, and its importance increases with 
every new event of any consequence in Hawaii, and with the 
falling-in of every island in the Pacific Ocean that is captured 
by the great maritime powers of Europe. The committee have 
copied, in the Appendix to this report, portions of the remarks 
of Hon. William F. Draper in the House of Representatives on 
the 4th of February, 1894, which refer in a very clear and con- 
cise way to the progress of foreign intervention in the Pacific 
Ocean by European powers. 

A President informed as to the history of his country could 
find no dificulty in dealing with the question of the annexa- 
tion of Hawaii to the United States on the ground that it is 
new; and a minister to Hawaii who should fail to inform his 
Government of the political changes in Hawaii that would 
affect that question would neglect his duty. 

It is not a just criticism upon the correspondence of Minister 
Stevens with his Government that he earnestly advocated 
annexation. In this he was in line with Mr. Marcy and nearly 
every one of his successors as Secretary of State, and with 
many of Mr. Stevens' predecessors as minister to Hawaii. His 
letters to his Government were written under the diplomatic 
confidence that is requisite to secure freedom in such communi- 
cations, and were not expected to come under the scrutiny of 
all mankind. They show no improper spirit and are not im- 
peachable as coloring or perverting the truth, although some 
matters stated by him may be classed as severe reflections. 
Whatever motives may have actuated or controlled any repre- 

sentative of the Government of the United States in his con- 
duct of our affairs in Hawaii, if he acted within the limits of 
his powers, with honest intentions, and has not placed the 
Government of the United States upon false and untenable 
grounds, his conduct is not irregular. 

But, in his dealings with the Hawaiian Government, his 
conduct was characterised by becoming dignity and reserve, 
and was not in any way harsh or offensive. In the opinion of 
the committee, based upon the evidence which accompanies 
this report the only substantial irregularity that existed in the 
conduct of any officer of the United States, or agent of the 
President, during or since the time of the revolution of 1893, 
was that of Minister Stevens in declaring a protectorate of the 
United States over Hawaii, and in placing the flag of our coun- 
try upon the Government building in Honolulu. No actual 
harm resulted from this unauthorized act, but as a precedent 
it is not to be considered as being justified. The committee 
have not considered it necessary to present any resolutions 
stating the conclusions that are indicated in this report, and 
ask that they be discharged from the further consideration of 
the resolutions under which this report is made. 

We are in entire accord with the essential findings in the 
exceedingly able report submitted by the chairman of the 
Committee on Foreign Relations. But it is our opinion 

First. That the appointment on the llth day of March, 


1893, without the advice and consent of the Senate, of Hon. 
James H. Blount as "special commissioner" to the Hawaiian 
Government under letters of credence and those of instruction, 
which declared that " in all matters affecting relations with the 
Government of the Hawaiian Islands his authority is para- 
mount" was an unconstitutional act, in that such appointee, 
Mr. Blount, was never nominated to the Senate, but was 
appointed without its advice and consent, although that body 
was in session when such appointment was made, and con- 
tinued to be in session for a long time immediately thereafter. 

Second. The orders of the Executive Department by which 
the naval force of the United States in the harbor of Honolulu 
was in effect placed under the command of Mr. Blount or of 
Mr. Willis were without authority or warrant of law. 

Third. The order given by Mr. Blount to Admiral Skerrett 
to lower the United States ensign from the Government build- 
ing in Honolulu and to embark the troops on the ships to 
which they belonged, was an order which Mr. Blount had no 
lawful authority to give. Its object was not to terminate a 
protectorate. That relation had been disavowed by the admin- 
istration of President Harrison immediately upon receiving 
information of its establishment. The flag and troops, when 
such order was given by Mr. Blount, were in the positions from 
which he ordered them to be removed for the purpose of main- 
taining order and protecting American life and property. 
Their presence had been effectual to those ends, and their 
removal tended to create, and did create, public excitement 

and, to a degree, distrust of the power of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment to preserve order or to maintain itself. That order of 
Mr. Blount was susceptible of being construed as indicating an 
unfriendly disposition on the part of the United States toward 
the Provisional Government, and it was so construed, particu- 
larly by the people of Hawaii. 

In the light of subsequent relations between Mr. Blount and 
his successor, Mr. Willis, with the Queen, whose office had 
become vacant by her deposition and abdication under the 
attack of a successful revolution, this order and its execution 
were most unfortunate and untoward in their effect. Such 
relations and intercourse by Messrs. Blount and Willis with 
the head and with the executive officers of an overthrown gov- 
ernment, conducted for the purpose of restoring that govern- 
ment by displacing its successor, were in violation of the con- 
stitution and of the principles of international law and were 
not warranted by the circumstances of the case. 

Fourth. The question of the rightfulness of the revolution, 
of the lawfulness of the by which the deposition and 
abdication of the Queen were effected, and the right of the 
Provisional Government to exist and to continue to exist was 
conclusively settled, as the report so forcibly states, against 
the Queen and in favor of the Provisional Government, by the 
act of the administration of President Harrison recognizing 
such Provisional Government, by the negotiation by that 
administration with such Provisional Government of a treaty 
of annexation to the United States ; by accrediting diplomatic 


representation by such administration, and by the present 
administration to such Provisional Government ; therefore, it 
incontrovertibly follows that the President of the United States 
had no authority to attempt to reopen such determined ques- 
tions, and to endeavor by any means whatever to overthrow 
the Provisional Government or to restore the monarchy which 
it had displaced. 

While it is true that a friendly power may rightfully tender 
its good offices of mediation or advice in cases such as that 
under present consideration, it is also true that the performance 
of such offices of mediation or advice ought not to be entered 
upon without the consent previously given by both the parties 
whom the action or decision of the friendly power may affect. 
Such consent was not given in the present instance. The Pro- 
visional Government never so consented ; it was never request- 
ed to consent. It denied the jurisdiction of the present admin- 
istration on every proper occasion. Therefore the proceedings 
by the President, which had for their result his request and 
monition to the Provisional Government to surrender its powers, 
to give up its existence and to submit to be displaced by the 

monarchy which it had overthrown, had no warrant in law, nor 
in any consent of one of the parties to be affected by such pro- 

Fifth. The avowed opinion of the President of the United 
States, in substance, that it is the duty of this Government to 
make reparation to the Queen by endeavoring to reinstate her 
upon her throne by all constitutional methods, is a clear defi- 
nition of the policy of the present administration to that end. 
The instructions to Messrs. Blount and Willis must be con- 
strued to be other and more ample forms of expression of that 
policy. No other presumption is permissible than that their 
actions at Honolulu were with intent to carry out that avowed 
policy. These considerations make immaterial any discussion, 
in this connection, of the personal intentions, circumspection or 
good faith of these gentlemen in the performance of the task to 
which they had been plainly commanded by the present 
administration. JOHN SHERMAN. 











The unfriendly attitude of the American Administration tow- 
ard the Republic and the withdrawal of the United States man- 
of-war from the Honolulu harbor early in September, gave the 
adherents of Liliuokalani, who sought to re-establish Monarch- 
ical rule in the Islands, renewed assurance that theirs might be 
a winning cause and the spirit of conspiracy became so thor- 
oughly established that a number of private detectives were 
kept in the employ of the Marshal of the Islands watching 
those who were suspected as possible leaders in a revolutionary 
movement. During the closing weeks .of the year 1894, the 
evidence obtained by the police department made the govern- 
ment apprehensive of trouble, though just what form it would 
take, and to place the leaders in the movement was beyond 

the power of the officials. Many supporters of the 
government were disposed to criticise the Marshal as being 
unnecessarily cautious, but as subsequent events showed, it was 
by the untiring vigilance of Marshal Hitchcock that the most 
deep seated, and if successful, the most disastrous revolution 
the country has ever known, was nipped in the bud, the plot 
laid bare and the plotters brought to justice. 

With the first days of the year 1895 came daily and steadily 
increasing evidence of an attempt to overthrow the Republic. 
The keeper of the lookout station on Diamond Head reported 
that he had been requested not to signal the arrival of the 
steamer Waimanalo off the harbor. On Thursday night, Jan. 
3rd, a mysterious gathering of natives was broken up at Kaka- 
ako on the water front of the city. On the following Saturday 
night a large number of natives were noticed coming into the 
city from the outlying districts, and saloons, generally crowded 


with natives and half-whites on Saturday evenings, were well 
nigh deserted. 

Sunday afternoon, January 6, 1895, the Marshal received 
positive information of a gathering of natives and the location 
of a quantity of arms at the house of Henry Bertlemann, about 
five miles from the city on the road running around the base of 
Diamond Head. Deputy Marshal Arthur M. Brown was sent 
out to watch the place and note those going and coming. 
About five o'clock in the afternoon Captain Robert Parker, 
senior captain of the police and a squad of native police were 
sent out with a warrant to search the premises. Arriving near 
the house they found it guarded and were fired on as they 
approached. This was an unexpected reception and they re- 
treated. Charles L. Carter, Alfred Carter, James B. Castle and 
A. L. C. Atkinson, who were living at Waikiki, heard the firing 
and armed with rifles, ran quickly toward the Bertlemann 
place to render aid. They met Deputy Marshal Brown with 
Captain Parker and the police at the entrance of the lane lead- 
ing from Kapiolani Park. Mr. Atkinson was sent to town 
with a message, and with its reinforcement the party again 
returned toward the Bertlemann house. They met no resistance 
on entering the yard and proceeded to the house where they 
found Bertlemann in the sitting room, quietly reading. 
Deputy Marshal Brown entered the house, made known his 
mission, and at the request of Bertlemann read the search 
warrant. Meanwhile other members of the party went around 
the hous'e. As Mr. Carter and Mr. Castle approached the 

canoe shed, which is perhaps twenty-five feet from the house 
toward the sea, they saw forms in the shed and Mr. Carter 
rushed toward the entrance followed by Mr. Castle and Alfred 
Carter. Firing immediately began, Charles Carter being 
wounded in tbe breast. On entering the shed he fell and at 
that time undoubtedly received the fatal shot in the abdomen. 
The firing became general, the native police being engaged with 
a number of the rebels firing from a clump of trees. Those in 
the canoe house quickly scattered and ran up the beach, firing 
as they went. The two men captured by the police were taken 
into the house and with Bertlemann placed under guard. 
Charles Carter, who was by this time suffering from most 
agonizing pain, was laid on a bed in the house. The two 
native police, Holi and Logan who had been wounded in the 
scrimmage were also taken into the house where the small 
searching party stood watch over the prisoners and awaited 
assistance from the town. 

The news that fighting was going on at Waikiki reached town 
between half past seven and eight o'clock while a large propor- 
tion of the people wore at the evening services of the churches. 
Marshal Hitchcock realizing that he had trouble of a serious 
nature on his hands called out the Citizens' Guard, the military 
was also ordered to rendezvous and within two hours of sound- 
ing the first alarm, the government had fully one thousand men 
under arms guarding the streets of the city. 

A Cabinet meeting was immediately called at the police sta- 
tion and the advisability of declaring martial law discussed. 


There was a decided difference of opinion which resulted in an 
adjournment till the morning. Meanwhile a party of regulars 
under Lieut. King was sent to the Bertlemann house, and with 
the volunteer companies at their posts of rendezvous and the 
Citizens' Guard patrolling the streets the government waited 
for developments. Little or nothing was known of the plans or 
extent of the uprising. It was apparent the rebels had arms 
and plenty of them, but as to the number gathered at Diamond 
Head, their leaders and organization, the prospect of armed bands 
of men attacking the city from other directions, or the possibility 
of an uprising in the town with mobs fighting in the streets, the 
government knew nothing. The threatened outbreak had come 
come and the government must be prepared to meet force with 
force, was the epitome of the situation Sunday night, January 6th. 
The government forces consisted of two companies of regulars, 
five of volunteers, including a company of Sharpshooters, the Citi- 
zens' Guard, native police and mounted patrol, in all aggrega- 
ting about 1200 men. All but the Citizen's Guard were armed 
with regulation Springfield or Winchester rifles, the members of 
the last organization furnishing their own arms. The Citizens' 
Guard having a regular company organization under Capt. F. 
B. McStocker, was subject to orders from the Marshal or Attorney- 
General as an emergency auxiliary of the police department. 


The right of writ of habeas corpus is hereby suspended and 

Monday morning, January 7th, at 5:30 o'clock, Charles L. Martial Law is instituted and established throughout the 
Carter died from wounds received in the fight of the previous Island of Oahu, to continue until further notice, during which 


night. This was a sad and unexpected blow to the com- 
munity as it had been generally reported that his injuries were 
not of a serious nature. The funeral occurred on the afternoon 
of the same day. Charles Lunt Carter, the eldest son of 
H. A. P. and Sybil A. Carter, was born in Honolulu, Novem- 
ber 30, 1864. His early education was obtained in schools of 
his native country, after which he attended the Michigan 
School of Law at Ann Arbor, graduating in 1887. He returned 
to Honolulu and became prominent in legal and political cir- 
cles, and in 1893 was a member of the Commission sent to 
Washington to petition the annexation of the Islands to the 
United States. He was prominent in framing the Con- 
stitution of the Republic, and at the election of 1894 was 
elected representative to the Legislature from the Fourth Dis- 
trict of Oahu. 


In the early morning of the 7th, preparations were made to 
attack the force of rebels. The Cabinet held an early session 
and the following proclamation of Martial Law was issued: 

HONOLULU, January 7, 1895. \ 

time, however, the Courts will contiue in session and conduct 
ordinary business as usual, except as aforesaid. 

By the President, 

President of the Republic of Hawaii. 
J. A. KING, 
Minister of the Interior. 

It became evident that the active force of the rebellious 
element was intrenched at Diamond Head, and parties were 
sent out to make attacks by way of Waikiki, the Moiliili road 
and from the sea. The government field pieces backed up by 
the sharp musketry proved effective in driving the rebels 
toward the top of Diamond Head where they were located when 
the night of the 7th fell. 

Within the city of Honolulu business was practically sus- 
pended, nearly all the clerks and heads of the business houses 
being on guard in the city or in the field. No steamers or vessels 
were allowed to depart, and a strict guard was kept all along the 
water front. About noon the Marshal began to arrest the men 
prominent in the Royalist cause, and by nightfall about 
twenty had been put in prison, including Charles Clark, who 
was known as one of the "hangers on" of the ex-Queen since 
the overthrow, and who proved a valuable witness for the gov- 
ernment. At the time of his arrest, a large assortment of 
arms nine rifles and five pistols of the finest workmanship 
were taken from Washington Place. Mrs. Dominis had left 

her residence early in the morning and with Mrs. Nowlein, one 
of her attendants, had gone to Ewa. 

During the afternoon of January 7th, several of the rebels 
were captured, and from them it was learned that the insurgents 
were under the command of Robert Wilcox and Samuel Nowlein, 
with Carl Widemann, W. H. C. Greig and Louis Marshall as 
Lieutenants. Wilcox had received military instruction in 
Italy during the days of King Kalakaua, and had always dis- 
played a revolutionary turn of mind, having been the leader of 
the fiasco of 1887. Samuel Nowlein served in the military 
under the Monarchy, and after the overthrow of 1893 had lived 
at Washington Place as a retainer of the ex-Queen. Widemann 
was the son of Judge H. A. Widemann, one of the ex-Queen's 
Commissioners to President Cleveland. Greig and Marshall 
were young clerks in business houses of Honolulu. With the 
exception of Marshall all these men were half-caste Hawaiians, 
the latter being of American parentage. Their followers were 
made up principally of natives and half-castes who had been 
day laborers about the city. 

JOarly on the morning of the 8th, it was discovered that the re- 
bels under cover of darkness and by reason of their superior know- 
ledge of passes in the mountains, had escaped from Diamond Head 
and were endeavoring to mass their forces in one of the valleys 
back of Honolulu Startling rumors from the Ewa district to 
the effect that a filibuster party was landing near Waianae led to 
the dispatch of a detail from the Sharpshooters under Capt. 
J. A. King on the steamer Claudine to cruise about the threatened 


district. The story proved to be a canard, and the party 
returned early in the evening. Another expedition hy water 
was made under command of Hon. H. P. Baldwin on the 
steamer Ke Au Hou to ascertain the condition of affairs 
on the other Islands, it having been rumored that an up- 
rising would take place on Maui, simultaneously with 
that in Honolulu. This expedition returned on the evening 
of the 9th, having found everything quiet on the other 

The movements of the military companies were centered on 
an endeavor to locate the rebel forces, and prevent their escape 
beyond the confines of the valleys back of the city. It soon 
became evident that the rebel leaders had little control over their 
men whose principal desire was to get away from the fighting 
front. On the afternoon of Wednesday, a lively skirmish was 
precipitated by an attempt to surround some of Wilcox's men in 
Manoa valley. This resulted in one rebel killed, one wounded, 
two taken prisonerss and the final escape of the principal part 
of the band into Pauoa valley. The advantage of the rebels lay 
in their familiarity with the passes in the sharp mountain 
ridges that separate the valleys and the ability of the native to 
pick his way through the lantana thickets, which to the white 
man are practically impenetrable. By Wednesday night it was 
very apparent that so far as any offensive movement on the 
part of the rebels was concerned, the fighting was finished. 
Men taken prisoners told of days and nights in the moun- 
tains without food or shelter. They had been armed with 

Winchester carbines and a good portion of the men had no 
idea how to manipulate the guns, much less do effective work 
with them. 

From this time on the efforts of the government forces were 
expended in capturing the rebel leaders, Wilcox, Nowlein, 
Widemann, Marshall, Greig and Lot Lane. Arrests among the 
whites in and about the city were constantly being made by 
virtue of the evidence drawn from those taken prisoners in the 
field and arrests made in the city. It was clear to the conspira- 
tors that the government was receiving correct information, 
which fact caused not a little consternation in the ranks of up- 
wards of two hundred men who were imprisoned during the 
first two weeks of the rebellion. 

January 14th was a notable day. In the forenoon, Nowlein, 
Widemann, Greig and Marshall surrendered themselves to the 
authorities, and during the afternoon Robert Wilcox was cap- 
tured in the outskirts of the city. The men were hnggard and 
worn and appeared thankful to escape with their lives. Feel- 
ing among the government supporters was at highest tension 
and it was generally demanded that the leaders of Ihe insur- 
rection suffer the death penalty. The murder of Charles Carter 
and the anarchist plan of attack, which, if carried out, must 
have resulted in the indiscriminate death of women and chil- 
dren accenuated this feeling, and again, it was believed that 
stern measures would put an end to the series of periodical 
political embroglios from which the country had suffered 
during the past ten years. 



Although it was the general impression that ex-Queen Liliuo- 
kalani was thoroughly conversant with every preliminary move 
in the plot to overthrow the Republic, and was in fact a 
co-conspirator, the government officials, although keeping a 
close watch on the woman, refrained from putting her under 
arrest until unquestionable evidence was obtained connecting 
her with the affair. On the forenoon of January 16th, Deputy 
Marshal Brown and Senior Captain Parker of the police force 
served a military warrant on the ex-Queen at her Wash- 
ington Place residence. She offered no protest and accom- 
panied them to the Executive Building, where she was taken 
into custody by Lieut. Col. J. H. Fisher, commanding the 
military forces and placed under guard in one of the com- 
modious rooms of her former palace. Mrs. Charles Wilson 
accompanied her as an attendant and all possible was done to 
insure her comfort in the new quarters. The evening of the 
same day, Captain Parker and Deputy Marshal Brown accom- 
panied by Charles Clark as a guide, searched the premises and 
unearthed a small arsenal consisting of eleven pistols, thirteen 
Springfield rifles, twenty-one Winchester rifles, five swords, 
thirty-eight full belts of pistol cartridges, one thousand loose 
cartridges and twenty-one dynamite bombs. A number of the 
bombs were made of cocoanut shells filled with giant powder, 
but the greater proportion were iron shells filled with giant 
powder and small bird shot, with cap and fuse ready for 

immediate use. These, with the draft of a new Constitution 
and Commissions for officials of the government that was to be 
instituted, left no doubt as to the knowledge of the ex-Queen 
Liliuokalani of the plans of the revolutionists. 



The problem of bringing the political prisoners to justice was 
a matter entailing quite as much careful thought a*id dis- 
cretion, as unearthing the plot of the conspirators, and putting 
down the rebellion. The prisoners anticipated little more con- 
sideration than would be received at the hands of a drum-head 
court martial, but notwithstanding the government was firm 
in its determination to impress upon them the serious nature 
of the crime committed, there was no disposition to administer 
punishment with radical haste or without due attention to the 
testimony of each defendant. Under advisement of the Execu- 
tive and Advisory Councils, President Dole, by the constitu- 
tional authority vested in him as Commander-in-chief of the 
armed forces, caused to be issued on January 16th, an order for 
a Military Commission "to meet at Honolulu, Island of Oahu, 
on the 17th day of January, A. D. 1895, at 10 A. M., and there- 
after from day to day for the trial of such prisoners as may 
be brought before it on the charges and specifications to be 


presented by the Judge Advocate." The officers of the Court 
were : 

Colonel William Austin Whiting, First Regiment, N. G. H. 

Lieutenant-Colonol J. H. Fisher, First Regiment, N. G. H. 

Captain C. W. Ziegler, Company F, N. G. H. 

Captain J. M. Camara, Jr., Company C, N. G. H. 

Captain J. W. Pratt, Adjutant, N. G. H. 

Captain W. C. Wilder, Jr., Company D, N. G. H. 

First Lieutenant J. W. Jones, Company D, N. G. H. 

Captain William A. Kinney, Aide-de-Camp on General Staff, 
Judge Advocate. 

Colonel Whiting and Captain Kinney were commissioned as 
officers of the National Guard under an act passed by the 
Advisory Council authorizing the Commander-in-Chief to fill 
vacancies by appointment during martial law. Mr. Whiting 
was a Judge in the Circuit Court and Mr. Kinney a member of 
the Honolulu bar who had assisted the Government in obtain- 
ing evidence against those implicated in the uprising. The 
other ir.embers of the Commission were regularly elected line 
officers of the military forces and had been members of the 
National Guard since its organization in 1893. 

The trials were held in the Legislative Hall of the Executive 
building and were open to the general public, special accommo- 
dations also being made for the attendance of the diplomatic 
corps. No restrictions were placed upon the press of the coun- 
try, except that no comments on the conduct of the trials or 
the testimony offered was allowed. 

The first men brought before the Commission were Henry F. 
Bertelmann, W. Lane, James Lane, Carl Widemann, W. H. C. 
Greig, Louis Marshall, Robert W. Wilcox and Sam Nowlein, 
charged with "Treason, by abetting, procuring, counselling, 
inciting and aiding others to commit treason, and to engage in 
open rebellion against the Government of the Republic of 
Hawaii, and by attempting by force and arms to overthrow and 
destroy the same, and by levying war against the same." The 
prisoners were allowed counsel, Paul Neumann acting as the 
leading attorney throughout the trials. Other lawyers who 
appeared as counsel at different times, were Antone Rosa, S. K. 
Ka-ne, J. Kaulukou and Jas. A. Magoon. 

One of the first moves of the counsel was to raise objection 
to the jurisdiction of the Commission on the following 
grounds: "That no military or other law exists in the 
Hawaiian Islands under which a Military Commission is 
authorized to try any person for a statutory crime. That under 
the proclamation of martial law the general authority of the 
Courts of the Republic created by the Constitution continues, 
and they have authority to conduct all business which comes 
properly before them, and have the sole authority to try per- 
sons accused of offenses such as are specified in the charges 
before the Commission." 

Lawyer Neumann, in defending his objection, called atten- 
tion to the fact that the limit of martial law is in the Com- 
mander-in-Chief. If such was the case, then the accused were 
not given the rights allowed under the Constitution. He 


claimed that the Military Commission had no right to try a 
crime committed against the Republic of Hawaii, which had 
Civil Courts in which fair trial would be given. The accused 
had a right to appeal to the country and its laws. There was 
nothing to show that the Commission had any right to act 
unless it showed the exigency. The rebellion was a thing of 
the past. 

The Judge-Advocate stated that martial law is a law of 
necessity, in which the question of necessity rests in the dis- 
cretion of the Executive and nobody can call it in question. 
The right had been exercised; there was nothing more to say. 
Referring to the section of the order which allowed the Courts 
to proceed with routine business, Captain Kinney said, " Sound 
common sense clearly shows what the intention was, and no 
man need err therein, though a fool." He refused to argue 
whether the Executive exercised the right of law judiciously. 
Answering the objection that the rebellion had been put down 
and no actual hostilities existed, Captain Kinney said, " God 
knows whether they do or not. No one knew whether they did 
when men hurried from their beds on the night of January 6th 
No man is yet assured of where we stand." 

The Commission overruled the objection and the trial pro- 

Bertlemann, Wilcox and Nowlein pleaded guilty to charges 
and specifications. The others declined to plead on advice'of 
counsel. The Government's case was strengthened by con- 
fessions made by Samuel Nowlein, organizer of the military 

rebel forces; Henry Bertleman, at whose house the first out- 
break 'occurred, and Captain Davis, George Townsend and 
Charles Warren, who assisted in landing arms. The trial of 
these eight leaders in the field was completed on Saturday the 
19th. With the exception of Nowlein and Bertlemann each of 
the prisoners went on the witness stand and made statements 
as to their connection with the rebellion. The counsel for the 
defense made a strong plea for clemency of the prisoners, 
most of whom were Hawaiian born. Judge-Advocate Kinney in 
his argument laid great stress on the fact that the time and 
opportunity had come to put an end to the biennial uprising to. 
which the country had been subjected. Those representing and 
supporting the present and only lawful government demanded 
a fair, just and reasonable decision at the hands of the Com- 

None of the findings of the Commission were made public 
till the trials were completed. 

On Monday, January 21st, the Commission began the trial of 
Charles T. Gulick, William H. Rickard, Thomas B. Walker 
and William T. Seward. These men were among the prime 
movers of the revolt, although they took no part in the open 
hostilities. Gulick and Seward were of American parentage, 
the latter having served in the Union forces during the War of 
the Rebellion. Gulick was a descendant of one of the promi- 
nent missionary families; was a member of the Honolulu liar 
and took an active part in politics under the Monarchy, serv- 
ing at one time as Minister of the Interior. Rickard and 






BlCitl^ 5UNDRIC5 


^* Aftn<t>) 

aJ^BUESar j 


Walker were of English parentage, the former being at one time 
numbered among the well-to-do sugar planters of the country. 
Of late years he had lost heavily and was practically bankrupt. 
Walker was a contractor and builder, who, after the down-fall 
of the Monarchy, gave quite as much attention to plotting 
against the Government as to his business affairs. 

These four organizers of the rebellion were called to answer 
to the charge of treason. Gulick, Seward and Rickard plead 
not guilty to each charge and specification. Walker pleaded 
guilty to the specifications charging him with aiding and abet- 
ting rebellion and procuring munitions for the insurgents. 
The trial of these four men lasted four days, during which time 
the witnesses for the Government laid bare the plot of the re- 
bellion, over which these men had practically acted as super- 
visors. Among the witnesses who gave the most damaging 
evidence were Nowlein and Bertelmann, Captain Davies, cap- 
tain of the Steamer Waimanalo which was used in landing the 
arms; John Cummins, with whom " Major " Seward had lived 
during the greater part of his residence in the islands, and 
William F. Kaae, who had acted as private secretary to Liliu- 
okalani during her residence at Washington place. 

The evidence presented showed that Seward had made a trip 
to San Francisco in December of 1894, procured the arms and 
ammunition and arranged for shipment to Honolulu. Rickard 
had assumed the task of looking after the arms on their arrival. 
Gulick acted as legal adviser, having assisted in drafting the 
Constitution and Cabinet Commission for the new Government. 


Walker, besides being an all round instigator, had provided for 
the manufacture of dynamite bombs which were to be used in 
the street fighting. To him had been assigned the task of lead- 
ing the forces that were to attack the police station. State- 
ments to this effect were made by Walker himself, who went on 
the stand as a witness in order to protect members of his 
family from being brought before the commission as witnesses. 
On the last day of the trial Gulick made a written statement in 
which he denied having taken any part in or having any know- 
ledge of the plottings against the Republic. It was proved 
conclusively however, that he had not only drafted the constitu- 
tion, and forms for cabinet commissions and martial law orders, 
but meetings of the leaders had been held at his house and he 
had been in close touch with nearly every move of the royalists 
in their plans to overthrow the Republic. The evidence sub- 
mitted by the prosecution was so complete, that, beyond the 
statement of Gulick the defense had very little to offer. As in 
the previous cases, the plea of the defense was for clemency. 
The J udge- Advocate in his closing arguments on the case, 
drew attention to the manner in which these men of intelligence 
had pushed the ignorant native into the brunt of the fight, having 
been careful to screen their own connection with the affair in case 
of the failure of the natives, but ready at the first evidence of 
success to come to the front and claim the glory. As for the 
sympathy of the accused for the natives, the Judge Advocate 
held that if their sympthy had led them to put fire brands in 
the hands of the natives it should have led them to go to the 

field and exercise a controling hand. "Carter lost his life 
through the lack of control of the natives; certainly these 
leaders should have thought of the women or children in the 
town who would be exposed to the same danger. There was 
nothing manly, nothing patriotic, except possibly among the 
natives who went blindly to the front. The criminal act of the 
accused was worse than that of pirates, as they were not on the 
pirate deck." 

On the afternoon of the' 23d of January, the first lot of 
natives, twelve in number, captured in the field was brought 
before the court on the charge of treason. The principal 
defense of these men as well as the majority of the rank and file 
of the insurgents who were brought before the court later, was 
that they had been forced into the fight by the foreign and half 
white leaders. While it is true that they were willing partici- 
pants and were possibly inspired by a feeling of loyalty to the 
ex-Queen, had they been less under the influence of liquor, better 
aware of the enormity of the crime committed and the punish- 
ment to which they were liable on account of their action, it is 
highly probable that they would have withheld from joining 
the insurgent forces. The trials of the natives were slow and 
tedious, nearly every prisoner being enthused with a desire to 
question witnesses and make lengthy statements of their con- 
nection with the uprising. A second lot of thirteen natives 
was brought into court on the evening of Thursday the 24th, 
their trial continuing through the week. 

The first man to be placed on trial for Misprison pf Treason 

was John F. Bowler, a contractor and builder of Honolulu, who 
has always been quite prominent in politics. Counsel Neu- 
mann at the opening of this case made a strong fight against 
the jurisdiction of the Court, additional objections to those pre- 
sented at previous trials being offered as follows : 

First. That there is no actual state of war in the country. 

Second. That the proclamation of martial law does not 
authorize the trial of any person by a Military Commission, or 
a Court Martial, unless he is a member of the Military or Navy 
of this country or, if actual war exists, that he has committed 
an offense against the laws of war. 

Third. The crime of which the prisoner is accused is Mis- 
prison of Treason, a statutory crime which, by its definition 
under the law, is not an offense against the laws of war. 

Fourth. That under the Constitution and laws of the Re- 
public of Hawaii the prisoner is entitled to a triul by jury upon 
information, indictment and complaint, except in cases of im- 

Judge-Advocate Kinney marked the usage of martial law as 
different times as follows: 

First. "The law martial exercised by the constable and 
marshal over troops in active service." 

Second. " The same system in time of peace or emergency 
and especially for punishment for the breaches of the peace." 

Third. " For the government of standing armies under the 
Mutiny Act and the Army Discipline Act." 

Fourth. " The common law right of the crown and its repre- 


sentatives to repel force by force in case of rebellion or insur- 
rection and to act against rebels as it might against invaders." 

This trial and those for Misprison of Treason that were to 
follow came more correctly under the second definition. 
'' Under the Constitution of Hawaii the President may not only 
suspend the writ of habeas corpus; he may not only declare 
martial law; he may place the whole or any part of the Re- 
public under martial law; not only in case of rebellion or insur- 
rection, but when there is imminent danger of rebellion or 
insurrection and the public safety requires. He may not only 
use the military force to suppress an insurrection and during 
its actual continuance; he may use military force and martial 
law for the prevention of any recurrence or repetition of an 
insurrection, that is to say, while there is " imminent danger" 
of it, and if he may govern the country under such circum- 
stances by martial law for any purpose, he may do so for all 

''The Hawaiian law, unlike English and American law, 
authorizes the establishment and continuance of martial law in 
time of peace as well as war. It may be, also, that the prisoner 
has, by his crime, made himself liable before the Civil Courts of 
the country if they were now performing their functions in cases 
of this nature. There is no inconsistency in the same conduct 
being punishable as well by municipal as by martial law, or in 
the same act, being criminal, as well by municipal as by mar- 
tial law. Today each and every provision of the Constitution 
of Hawaii which conflicts with martial law is superseded by 

the martial law, which is supreme today. The mere suspension 
of the writ of habeas corpus might, perhaps, imply that the 
civil processes would subsequently apply in any case not 
strictly a war case; but the Hawaiian Constitution goes further 
than to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and makes martial 
law, and nothing but martial law, -now supreme upon the 
island of Hawaii today." 

Mr. Kinney closed by stating that it was due only to a rule 
of law that Bowler was not charged with treason. 

The Commission overruled the objections to its jurisdiction 
in this as in the preceding cases. 

The evidence brought out in the two days' trial showed that 
Bowler had been aware of the plot of the insurgents, and to 
him had been delegated the capture of the telephone offices. The 
non-arrival in the city of Nowlein's forces was apparently all 
that prevented his taking an active part in the fighting. Bowler, 
however, made a statement asserting his innocence and ignor- 
ance of all plans and intentions of the insurgents. 

On the afternoon of January 29, the trial of Volney V. Ash- 
ford for Misprison of Treason was opened. Outside the trial of 
the ex-Queen this was one of the hardest fought legal battles of 
the trials. The defense endeavored to break down the evidence 
of Samuel Nowlein who, it was understood, was to be one of the 
principal witnesses against Liliuokalani. All attempts in this 
direction were futile, however, it being shown that Ashford had 
acted as one of Nowlein's advisors and was conversant of the 
proposed outbreak. V. V. Ashford had always been active in 


politics, and with his brother C. W. Ashford, was always known 
as a rebellious spirit. He had been prominent in military 
circles during the reign of the Monarchy, and at one time was 
forced to leave the country for his participation in political 
plottings. After the overthrow he returned and immediately 
became affiliated with the royalist cause. 

The most prominent persons brought before the Court from 
this on were ex-Queen Liliuokalani and Jonah Kalanianaole 
commonly known as " Prince Cupid." Their trial will be 
dealt with more fully in succeeding chapters. Outside these 
the time of the Commission was taken up principally with 
the trial of natives who had been connected with the affair, 
either as active participants in the field or guards and mes- 
sengers during and previous to the outbreak. 

The trial of the last case brought before the Commission 
ended March 1. The Commission did not adjourn sine die, 
however, until March 18, when all the men against whom the 
government held serious charges had left the country, and 
many who had been imprisoned during the outbreak were 

During its session of thirty-six days, 191 prisoners were 
brought before the Commission. Of the 176 prisoners charged 
with treason five were acquitted, and in the cases of sixty-four, 
notably the natives on guard at Washington Place and witnesses 
who turned States evidence, sentence was suspended. Only 
two of the fifteen charged with misprison of treason were 

The first of the sentences were made public on February 12, 
when a number of natives found guilty of treason were sen- 
tenced to five years imprisonment at hard labor. A few days 
latter followed the sentences of Volney V. Ashford and John 
F. Bowler, convicted of misprison of treason, Ashford being 
sentenced to one year's imprisonment with $1000 fine, and 
Bowler to five years' imprisonment and $5000 fine. On Satur- 
day, February 23, the sentences of the leaders were published 
as follows: Charles T. Gulick, W. H. Seward, Robert Wilcox, 
Samuel Nowlein and Henry Bertlemann, each thirty-five years' 
imprisonment at hard labor, with a fine of $10,000. The 
Military Commission had sentenced these men to suffer the 
death penalty, which sentence was commutted by the President 
as above. Sentences were suspended in the cases of Nowlein 
and Bertlemann, they having given important evidence. The 
other leaders sentenced were: T. B. Walker, thirty years and 
$5000 fine; Carl Widemann, thirty years and $10,000 fine; 
W. H. C. Greig, twenty years and $10,000 fine ; Louis Marshall, 
twenty years and $10,000 fine. The ex-Queen was sentenced to 
five years' imprisonment with $5000 fine and Jonah Kalaniana- 
ole, commonly known as " Prince Cupid " to one year with 
$1,000 fine. J. A. Cummins received the same sentence as ex- 
Queen Liliuokalani but was released on payment of fine. The 
sentences of the others who were mostly natives and half castes, 
ranged all the way from five months to five years imprison- 
ment, the fine, as a rule, being stricken out by the Presi- 




When it became apparent that all hopes of the restoration of 
ex-Queen Liliuokalani had been irretrevably blighted, it became 
general! y rumored that the ex-Regent was prepared to make a 
formal abdication of her claims as the only lawful ruler of the 
people of Hawaii a claim to which she had adhered most tenaci- 
ously from the day of the overthrow. During her detention in the 
Executive Building she was in constant touch with her friends and 
advisers, through her agent Charles B. Wilson, who was allowed 
free access to her apartments by the military authorities. 

On the afternoon of January 24th, the members of the Cabi- 
net were informed that the ex-Queen had an official document 
which it was desired should be presented to the Executive. 
They signified their willingness to listen to any communication 
which the now military prisoner might submit. During the 
latter part of the day a copy of the following correspondence 
was put in the hands of Attorney-General Smith. The letter 
was drawn by Judge A. S. Hartwell who had been consulted 
by Messrs. Wilson, Parker and Neumann regarding the matter, 
and acted as advising counsel for them. Judge Hartwell also 
attended the execution of the document: 

HONOLULU, Jan. 24, 1895. 

To THE HON. SANFORD BALLARD DOLK, President of the Republic 
of Hawaii : 

SIR: After full and free consultation with my personal 
friends and with my legal advisors, both before and since my 

detention by military order in. the Executive building, and 
acting in conformity with their advice, and also upon my own 
free volition, and in pursuance of my unalterable belief and 
understanding of my duty to the people of Hawaii, and to their 
highest and best interests, and also for the sake of those mis- 
guided Hawaiians and others who have recently engaged in 
rebellion against the Republic, and in an attempt to restore me 
to the position of queen, which I held prior to the 17th day of 
January, A. D. 1893, and without any claim that shall become 
entitled, by reason of anything that I may now say or do, to 
any other or different treatment or consideration at the hands 
of the Government than I otherwise could and might legally 
receive, I now desire to express and make known, and do hereby 
express and make known, to yourself, as the only lawful and 
recognized head of the Government, and to all the people of 
the Hawaiian Islands, whether or not they have yet become 
citizens of the Republic, or are or have been adherents of the 
late monarchy, and also to all diplomatic and other foreign 
representatives in the Hawaiian Islands, to all of whom I 
respectfully request you to cause this statement and action of 
mine to be made known as soon as may be, as follows, namely : 
First. In order to avoid any possibility of doubt or mis- 
understanding although I do not think that any doubt or mis- 
understanding' is either proper or possible, I hereby do fully 
and unequivocally admit and declare that the Government of 
the Republic of Hawaii is the only lawful Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands, and that the late Hawaiian monarchy is finally 


and forever ended, and no longer of any legal or actual validity, 
force or effect whatsoever ; and I do hereby forever absolve all 
persons whomsoever, whether in the Hawaiian Islands or else- 
where, from all and every manner of allegiance, or official obli- 
gation or duty, to me and my heirs and successors forever, and I 
hereby declare to all such persons in the Hawaiian Islands that I 
consider them as bound in duty and honor henceforth to sup- 
port and sustain the Government of the Republic of Hawaii. 

Second. For myself, my heirs and successors, I do hereby 
and without any mental reservation or modification, and fully, 
finally, unequivocally, irrevocably, and forever abdicate, re- 
nounce and release unto the Government of the Republic of 
Hawaii and the legitimate successors forever all claims or pre- 
tensions whatsoever to the late throne of Hawaii, or to the late 
monarchy of Hawaii, or to any past, or to the existing, or to 
any future Government of Hawaii, or under or by reason of 
any present or formerly existing constitution, statute, law, 
position, right or claim of any and every kind, name or nature 
whatsoever, and whether the same consist of pecuniary or 
property considerations, or. of personal status, hereby forever 
renouncing, disowning and disclaiming all rights, claims, 
demands, privileges, honors, emoluments, titles and prerogatives 
whatsoever, under or by virtue of any former, or the existing 
Government, constitution, statute, law or custom of the Hawai- 
ian Islands whatsoever, save and excepting only such rights 
and privileges as belong to me in common with all private 
citizens of, or residents in the Republic of Hawaii. 

Third. I do hereby respectfully implore for such misguided 
Hawaiians and others as have been concerned in the late 
rebellion against the Republic of Hawaii, such degree of execu- 
tive clemency as the Government may deem to be consistent 
with its duty to the community, and such as a due regard for 
its violated laws may permit. 

Fourth. It is my sincere desire henceforth to live in absolute 
privacy and retirement from all publicity, or even appearance 
of being concerned in the public affairs of the Hawaiian islands. 
further than to express, as I now do and shall always continue 
to do, my most sincere hope for the welfare and prosperity of 
its people, under and subject to the Government of the Repub- 
lic of Hawaii. 

Fifth. I hereby offer and present my duly certified oath of 
allegiance to the Republic of Hawaii. 

Sixth. I have caused the foregoing statement to be prepared 
and drawn, and have signed the same without having received 
the slightest suggestion from the President of Hawaii, or from 
any member of the Government of Hawaii, concerning the same 
or any part thereof, or concerning any action or course of my 
own in the premises. 

Relying upon the magnanimity of the Government of the 
Republic, and upon its protection. 

I have the honor to be, Mr. President, 
Very respectfully, 

Your most obedient servant, 


On the 24th day of January, A. D. 1895, the foregoing was in 
our presence read over and considered carefully and deliberately 
by Liliuokalani Doininis, and she, the said Liliuokalani 
Dominis, thereupon in our presence declared that the same was 
a correct, exact and full statement of her wishes and acts in the 
premises, which statement she declared to us that she desired 
to sign and acknowledge in our presence as her own free act 
and deed, and she thereupon signed the same in our presence, 
and declared the same to be her free act and deed, in witness 
whereof we have at the request of the said Liliuokalani 
Dominis, and in her presence, hereunto subscribed our names 
;is attesting witnesses, at the Executive building, in Honolulu 
on the Island of Oaliu, this '24th day of January, A. 1). 1893. 
(Signed), WM. G. IRWIN, 





On this 24th day of January, A. D. 1895, personally appeared 
before me, LILIUOKALANI DOMINIS. known to me to be the person 
described in and who executed the foregoing instrument, who 
acknowledged to me that she executed the same freely and 
voluntarily and for the uses and purposes therein set forth. 


SEAL. \ Notary Public. 


I, Liliuokalani Dominis, do solemnly swear in the presence 
of Almighty God, that 1 will support the Constitution, Laws 
and Government of the Republic of Hawaii, and will not, either 
directly or indirectly, encourage or assist in the restoration or 
establishment of a monarchical form of government in the 

Hawaiian Islands. (Signed) W. L. STANLEY, 

Notary Public. 

The effect of this letter of abdication was not as sensational 
as might be anticipated at first thought. In fact the move came 
about two years too late to attract extraordinary attention. In 
the eyes of the Government, this lady was in much the same 
position as a private citizen who had communicated to them 
concerning a change of opinion in politics. With the people, 
her undoubted knowledge of the plot of the proposed revolu- 
tion and her "abdication" being forthcoming only when she 
found herself hemmed in from every side, gave her scant sym- 
pathy, consequently this belated action did not inspire the con- 
fidence in the honest intention of the move which would have 
resulted, had it been made at an earlier day. 

The Executive submitted the letter to the Advisory Councils 
and later made the following reply : 

HONOLULU, January 29, 1895. \ 

MADAM: A document executed by you purporting to con- 
tain an abdication and renunciation of all sovereign rights 


heretofore claimed by you has been delivered on your behalf to 
the President. 

As you were under arrest at the time this instrument was 
signed it is desired before accepting and placing the same on 
file, to make clear to you, in order that no misunderstanding 
may hereafter arise, the views of the Government .in this 
matter : 

1. The execution of this document cannot be taken to 
exempt you in the slightest degree from personal and'individ- 
ual liability for such complicity as due investigation and trial 
may show that you had in the late conspiracy against the 
Government and the consequent loss of life ; which position is 
recognized by you in your letter. 

2. It cannot be conceded that such rights and claims as you 
now voluntarily relinquish have had any legal existence since 
January 14, 1893, when by your public announcement that you 
no longer considered yourself bound by the fundamental law of 
the land under which you took office, and by your acts in 
attempting by the mere exercise of your own will to establish a 
new system of government, the contract existing between you 
and the people was dissolved, and all sovereign rights thereto- 
fore vested in you were lost. The statement by members of 
your then cabinet that they could not control your proposed 
action, and their appeal to citizens of Honolulu for assistance, 
was the next step which led to a resumption by the people of 
the rights of government. 

3. So far as your communication may be taken as a. notice 

to the disaffected that it is your desire that the Republic shall 
be recognized by them as the sole and lawful government of the 
country, it is fully appreciated. In this connection your un- 
selfish appeal for clemency for those who took part in the late 
insurrection will receive full consideration. 

(Signed) WILLIAM 0. SMITH, 

A ttorne.y- General. 


That there was a latent hope that the letter of abdication 
would influence the government to act with leniency toward 
the political offenders, and the ex-Queen in particular seems 
highly probable. Liliuokalani had, however, been given the 
opportunity to retire to private life and live quietly and com- 
fortably among her people. This opportunity had been c;i-t 
aside, and not until, balked on every hand in her attempts to 
regain her throne, did she come to realize how sweet was the 
freedom which she had forfeited. 

Whatever hope may have existed in her mind was ill-founded, 
however. On Tuesday, February 5th. Liliuokalani Dominis 
was brought before the Military Commission charged with mis- 
prison of treason. The trial which occupied the greater part 
of four days was marked by sharp legal sparring and a flood of 
objections from the attorney for the defense. Among the prin- 
cipal witnesses against the ex-Queen were Samuel Nowlein and 
Charles Clark, both of whom had been " hangers on " about 
Washington Place since 1893, also William Kaae, who had 
acted as private secretary to Liliuokalani. Nowlein testified to 


having had charge of the arms and dynamite bombs and mak- 
ing arrangements to station guards about the place on the 
night of the outbreak. Clark had been in charge of the place 
during Nowlein's absence and informed Liliuokalani of the 
progress of the movements in the city, Kaae, the private sec- 
retary, testified to having drawn up the Commissions for the 
Cabinet officers of the new government, as follows : 

R. W. WILCOX, Minister Foreign Affairs. 

SAM NOWLEIN, Minister of Interior. 

CHARLES T. GULICK, Minister of Finance, 

C. W. ASHFOUD, Attorney-General. 

ANTONE ROSA and V. V. ASHFORD, Associate Justices. 




W. H. RICKARD, Marshal. 

That these Commissions were signed by the ex-Queen was 
further proven by the entry in her private diary December 
28th: "Signed eleven Commissions today." Kaae had written 
out the forms for the Commissions, proclamations and the new 
Constitution, under the direction of C. T. Gulick and the ex- 
Queen. On Thursday, the third day of the trial, the defense 
submitted the following statement notwithstanding Liliuo- 
kalani had gone on the stand and made denial of any knowl- 
edge whatsoever of an attempt to restore her to the throne. 
The statement was inspired by her legal adviser and was un- 

doubtedly prepared with a view to strengthening the ex-Queen's 
case, not so much with the Military Commission as with the 
people abroad. Among her own people this statement tended 
to wipe out what conciliatory feeling her formal abdication 
may have engendered. The statement is given in full : " In 
the year 1893, on the 15th day of January, at the request of a 
large majority of the Hawaiian people, and by and with the 
advice and consent of my Cabinet, I proposed to make certain 
changes in the Hawaiian Kingdom, which were suggested to 
me as being for the advantage and benefit of the Kingdom and 
subjects and residents thereof. These proposed changes did not 
deprive foreigners of any rights or privileges enjoyed by them 
under the Constitution of 1887, promulgated by King Kalakaua 
and his Cabinet, without the consent of the people or ratified 
by their votes. 

" My Ministers at the last rhomement changed their views 
and requested me to defer all action in connection to the Con- 
stitution, and I yielded to their advice as bound to do by the 
existing Constitution and Laws. 

" A minority of the foreign population made my action the 
pretext for overthrowing the Monarchy, and aided by the 
United States Naval forces and representative established a, 
new government. 

" I owed no allegiance to the Provisional Government so 
established, nor to any power or to any one save the will of my 
people and the welfare of my country. 

"The wishes of my people were not consulted as to this 


change of government, and only those who were in practical 
rebellion against the Constitutional Government were allowed 
to vote upon the question whether the Monarchy should exist 
or not. 

"To prevent the shedding of blood of my people, natives and 
foreigners alike, I opposed armed interference and quietly 
yielded to the armed forces brought against my throne, and 
submitted to the arbitrament of the Government of the United 
States the decision of my rights and those of the Hawaiian 
people. Since then, as is well known to all, I have pursued 
the path of peace and diplomatic discretion, and not that of 
internal strife. 

"The United States having first interfered in the interest of 
those founding the Government of 1893 upon the basis of revo- 
lution, concluded to leave to the Hawaiian people the selection 
of their own form of government. 

"This selection was anticipated and prevented by the Pro- 
visional Government, who, being possessed of the military and 
police power of the Kingdom, so cramped the electorial privi- 
leges that no free expression of their will was permitted to the 
people who were opposed to them. 

" By my command and advice the native people and those in 
sympathy with them were restrained from rising against the 
government in power. The movement undertaken by the 
Hawaiians last month was absolutely commenced without my 
knowledge, sanction, consent or assistance, directly or in- 
directly, and this fact is in truth well known to those who took 

part in it. I received no information from any one in regard to 
arms which were procured or which were to be procured, nor of 
any men who were induced, or to be induced to join in any such 
uprising. I do not know why this information should have 
been withheld from me, unless it was with a view to my per- 
sonal safety or as a precautionary measure. It would not have 
received my sanction, and I can assure the gentlemen of this 
Commission that, had I known of any such intention, I would 
have dissuaded the promoters from such a venture. But I will 
add, that had I known, their secrets would have been mine and 
inviolately preserved. 

" That I intended to change my Cabinet and appoint certain 
officers of the Kingdom, in the event of my restoration, 1 will 
admit; but that I, or any one known to me, had, in part or in 
whole, established a new government is not true. Before the 
24th of January, 1895, the day upon which I formally abdicated 
and called upon my people to recognize the Republic of Hawaii 
as the only lawful Government of these Islands, and to support 
that Government, I claim that I had a right to select a Cabinet 
in anticipation of a possibility, and history of other govern- 
ments support this right. I was not intimidated into abdica- 
tion, but followed the counsel of able and generous friends and 
well-wishers who advised me that such an act would restore 
peace and good will among my people ; vitalize the progress 
and prosperity of the Islands and induce the actual Govern- 
ment to deal leniently, mercifully and charitably, impassion- 
ately with those who resorted to arms for the purpose of dis- 


placing a government in the formation of which they had no 
voice or control ; and which they themselves had seen estab- 
lished by force of arms. 

" I acted of my own free will and wish the world to know 
that I have asked no immunity of favor myself nor pleaded 
my abdication as a petition for mercy. My actions were 
dictated by the sole aim of doing good to my beloved country, 
and of alleviating the positions and pains of those who un- 
happily and unwisely resorted to arms to regain an independ- 
ence, which they thought had been unjustly wrested from them. 

"As you deal with them, so I pray that the Almighty God 
may deal with you in your hours of trial. To my regret much has 
been said about the danger which threatened foreign women, 
and children, and about the blood-thirstiness of the Hawaiians 
and the outrages which would have been perpetrated by them if 
they had succeeded in their attempt to overthrow the Republic 

"They, who know the Hawaiian temper and disposition, 
understand that there was no foundation for any such fears. 
The behavior of the rebels to those foreigners whom they cap- 
tured and held shows that there was no malignancy in the 
hearts of the Hawaiians at all. It would have been sad indeed 
if the doctrine of the Christian Missionary Fathers, taught to 
my people by them and those who succeeded them, should have 
fallen like the seed in the parable upon barren ground. 

"I must deny your right to try me in the manner and by 
the Court which you have called together for this purpose. In 

your actions you violate your own Constitution and laws, which 
are now the Constitution and laws of the land. There may be 
in your consciences a warrant for your action, in what you may 
deem a necessity of the times, but you cannot find any such 
warrant for any such action in any settled, civilized or Christ- 
ian land. All who uphold you in this unlawful proceeding 
may scorn and despise my word, but the offense of breaking 
and setting aside for a specific purpose the laws of your own 
nation and disregarding all justice and fairness may be to them 
and to you the source of an unhappy and much to be regretted 

" I would ask you to consider that your government is on 
trial before, the whole civilized world, and that in accordance 
with your actions and decisions will you yourselves be judged. 
The happiness and prosperity of Hawaii are henceforth in your 
hands alone as its rulers. You are commencing a new era in 
its history. May the Divine Providence grant you the wisdom 
to lead the nation into paths of forbearance, forgiveness and 
peace, and to create and consolidate a united people ever~anxious 
to advance in the way of civilization outlined by the American 
fathers of liberty and religion. 

"In concluding my statement 1 thank you for the courtesy 
you have shown to me, not as your former Queen, but as an 
humble citizen of this land and as a woman. I assure you, 
who faithfully believe that you are fulfilling a public duty, 
that I will never harbor any resentment or cherish any ill 
feeling towards you whatever may be your decision." 


At the opening of the trial on Friday morning, Counsel 
Newmann was informed by the Commission that the following 
portions of his client's statement must be stricken out: 

"A minority of the foreign population made my action the 
pretext for overthrowing the monarchy, and, aided by the 
United States naval forces and representative established a new 

"I owed no allegiance to the Provisional Government so 
established, nor to any power, or to anyone save the will of my 
people and the welfare of my country." 

"And only those who were in practical rebellion against the 
constitutional government." 

"All who uphold you in this unlawful proceeding may scorn 
and despise my word ; but the offense of breaking and setting 
aside for a, specific purpose the laws of your own nation, and 
disregarding all justice and fairness, may be to them and to 
you the source of an unhappy and much to be regretted legacy." 

"The United States having first interfered in the interest of 
those founding the government of 1893 upon the basis of revo- 
lution concluded to leave to the Hawaiian people the selection 
of their own form of government." 

" This selection was anticipated and prevented by the Provi- 
sional Government, who, being possessed of the military and 
police power of the kingdom, so cramped the electoral privileges 
that no free expression of their will was permitted to the people 
who were opposed to them." 

Objection was made, and overruled, to any section being 

stricken out without rejecting the whole statement. The argu- 
ments of the counsel for defense and the Judge-Advocate occu- 
pied the greater part of the closing day of the trial. The 
argument of Captain Kinney was one of the master efforts of 
the trial, in which the fallacies of the ex-Queen's statement 
were pointed out and the evidence of a desire to create sympa- 
thy, on account of alleged injuries, not only among her own 
people but among the citizens of foreign countries. The trial 
closed on the afternoon of February 7th, and the ex-Queen was 
returned to her apartments in the Executive building where 
she remained under military guard until allowed to return to 
her Washington Place resident on parole pardon. 



On December 3d, 1894, Major Win. H. Seward returned from 
San Francisco where he had arranged for the purchase of the 
arms for the revolutionists and their shipment to the Islands on 
the schooner H. C. Wahlberg Capt. Mathew Martin command- 
ing. Where the funds for the purchase of the arms came from 
was not brought out during the trials. It is highly probable 
that the money was obtained by an assessment on the members 
of the royalist party who were either directly or indirectly 
interested in the success of the revolt. 

Immediately after the arrival of Seward arrangements were 


made to receive and conceal the arms until they could be dis- 
tributed among the natives. The men picked to take charge of 
the natives employed in this work were George Townsend and 
Charlie WaTren a native. These men were stationed on the 
windward side of the island near Makapuu point. The 
schooner was sighted on December 19th, and after landing the 
revolvers and a portion of the amunition on Rabbit island, 
again put to sea, where the remainder of the munitions of war 
were to be transferred to the steamer Waimanalo, Capt. Davis 
commanding, and brought into the harbor of Honolulu. The 
revolvers were hurried in the sands on Rabbit island and later 
brought to Honolulu by natives and distributed among those 
who were to take part in the uprising. 

Captain Davis was engaged by W. H. Rickard and was 
promised a reward of $10,000, if the arms were successfuly 
landed. The transfer of rifles and amunition from the schooner 
to the Waimanalo was made on New Years day some twenty 
miles off Rabbit island. After going to the island to give notice 
that the arms had been secured, the steamer put to sea, and 
arrived off Diamond Head on the evening of the second of 
January. W. H. Rickard went on board, and the steamer 
again put to sea, it being the intention to land the arms at 
points along the water front of Honolulu and begin the fight on 
the night of January 3d. Arriving again off Diamond Head, 
the evening of the third, word was sent to the steamer that the 
men gathered at Kakaako to receive the arms had been dis- 
covered and the steamer cargo must be landed near Diamond 

Head. This was accordingly done, and the arms buried in the 
sand on the beach beyond Diamond Head. 

The original plan of attack was for the arms to be landed at 
Kakaako, and at the fish market both places being on the city 
water front. The fighting was to begin immediately. White 
men in the city were to lead the natives, capture the station 
house, electric light station and telephone offices, establish posts 
at the junction of the streets and prevent the Citizens Guard and 
members of the volunteer companies from reaching their places 
of rendezvous. The landing on the water front having been 
prevented, the time for the attack was set for 2 o'clock Monday 
morning, January 7th. 

Nowlein was to march upon the city from Waikiki; simulta- 
neously with his movement, bands of natives led by whites were 
to come in from other points in the outskirts, and these parties 
were to be joined by natives and white royalists living in the 
city, and combine in a general assault upon the Government 
building. The surprise of Sunday night had of course discon- 
certed the leaders. The white royalists who were to have joined 
in the fight kept as quiet as possible, and made every attempt 
to clear their skirts of any semblance of having been associated 
with the affair in any way. The freedom with which liquor 
was dealt out to the natives, the lack of anything approaching 
organization in their ranks, the proposed use of dynamite 
bombs, and the ignorance of the natives of the use of fire arms 
all went to prove that, had the rebels reached the city before 
the government forces were able to rendezvous the morning of 


January 7th, 1895, would have been characterized indiscrimi- 
nate slaughter in the streets of Honolulu. 



In the forcible deportation of J. Cranstoun, A. E. Meuller 
and J. B. Johnstone on Saturday, February 2nd, the Govern- 
ment made an arbitrary move which met with considerable 
adverse criticism, not because it was believed that the character 
of the men did not justify the act, but rather on account of the 
danger of serious diplomatic complications arising from the ex- 
pulsion from the country without trial. The three men had 
been arrested during the early days of the outbreak for being 
parties to the plan to destroy public buildings with dynamite. 
Johnstone had been in the employ of the Government as a 
detective, at the same time being hand in glove with those 
interested in upsetting the Republic. None of the men held 
any considerable amount of a property and might well be classed 
in the floating population of the country. On Friday these 
prisoners were removed from the prison to the station house, 
and about noon Saturday they were put on board the steamer 
Warrimoo of the Canadian Australian line. All three protested 
against their treatment and asked to see their national repre- 
sentatives. Johnstone was of English birth, Mueller, German, 
and Craustoun claimed to be an American citizen by naturali- 

zation. The American Minister strove to impress upon the 
Government officials that they were making a great mistake by 
their arbitrary action but under advice of their foreign represen- 
tatives, the German and Englishmen were inclined to accept the 
inevitable. The officers of the Government remained firm and 
having put the men on the steamer kept them there guarded by 
police until the vessel was well outside the harbor. On arrival 
in British Columbia, the exiles brought suit for damages against 
the steamship line for conveying them out of the country. 
The cases of Cranstoun and Mueller are now going through the 
usual processes of law in the court of Victoria, B. C. John- 
stone's claim has been withdrawn to await the verdict of the 
court in the cases of his brother exiles. Claims for damages . 
were also filed with the home Governments, but none of the 
latter claims have been pressed up to the present time. 

The position of the Hawaiian Government in the deportation 
of Cranstoun, Mueller and Johnstone is defined as follows in a 
memorandum of the law, given by General A. S. Hartwell to 
William A. Kinney who was retained as counsel by the 

In re Cranstoun, Muller and Johnstone, exiled from the 
Hawaiian Islands by order of President Dole, acting as Com- 
mander-in-chief of the national forces of Hawaii, during the 
prevalence of martial law upon the Island of Oahu of the Repub- 
lic of Hawaii upon suspicion based upon facts known to the Haw- 
aiian Government, that they were persons dangerous to the com- 
munity, and implicated in the rebellion against the Government. 


"The facts on which these persons were considered to he dan- 
gerous persons and implicated in the rebellion, can be shown 
by affidavits. Such showing removes all doubt that their 
expulsion from the Hawaiian Islands was based upon public 
reasons and not from any malicious motives. 

" The position and claim of the Hawaiian Government is 
that there is no treaty obligation precluding the expulsion from 
the country of any persons of any nationality, whenever mar- 
tial law is in force, and in the opinion of the Government such 
persons have violated the laws of the Republic, or have become 
implicated in any plot, conspiracy or treason against the Gov- 

'' The Government, in order to exercise its rights under mar- 
tial law and protect the community in times of actual rebellion, 
is not required to try and condemn such persons prior to their 
expulsion, but is the sole judge, not only of the necessity or 
propriety of declaring martial law, and placing the country 
or any part of it under martial law, but of the course to be 
taken in respect of persons who in its opinion are unsafe per- 
sons to be allowed to remain within the country." 


When the Military Commission had completed the trial of 
the more prominent participants in the rebellion, the desire of 
many citizens of the Republic to have severe punishment meted 
out to each and every prisoner began to cool. Those who were 

calling for the lives of the rebels at the outset were quite satis- 
fied with deportation, light imprisonment or unrestricted release 
of those remaining. Rather than continue the trials until all 
those in prison had been dealt with, the Government gave many 
of the prisoners the option of leaving the country or going be- 
fore the Commission. Most of those remaining were white resi- 
dents to whom the prison life was, naturally enough, decidedly 
distasteful. They were totally in the dark as to the evidence 
which the Government could bring in at the trial, and rather 
than run the chances of continued imprisonment a good pro- 
portion were glad to escape by leaving the country. Each one 
accepting this option signed a statement similar to the follow- 
ing, which act, British Commissioner Hawes stated to the 
English subjects in the presence of the Marshal, "was a prac- 
tical admission of guilt :" 

"Whereas, I, __, am now held in confinement for complicity 

in the recent insurrection against the Hawaiian Government, and have 
expressed a desire to leave the country not to return, provided said 
Government shall in its clemency consent to such expatriation, now, 
therefore I, the said in consideration of the Hawaiian Govern- 
ment, immediately upon being released, it being understood and agreed 
by me that said charge is no wise withdrawn nor in any sense discon- 
tinued, do hereby agree that when allowed to leave the custody of the 

Marshal, I shall and will leave the Hawaiian Islands by the 

leaving Honolulu for February , 1895, and will not 

return during my life time without the written consent of the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs or other officer having charge of said department, 
approved by the Marshal." 

The men who took this option were as follows : L. J. Levey, 
Fred. Harrison, George Ritman, John C. White, P. M. Rooney, 
Fred. H. Redward, Frank Honeck, Charles Creigliton, Arthur 


White, Arthur McDowall, A. Carriane, Fred. W. Wundenburg, 
Michael Cole Bailey, C. W. Ashford, C. Klemme, Harry von 
Werthern, John Kadin, James Brown, A. P. Peterson, P. G. 
Camarinos and Nichols Peterson. These men were released 
about a week before their departure so as to give them an 
opportunity to put their business affairs in order. The first 
lot of eleven went to San Francisco on the steamer Australia, 
February 23, and the others followed during the next month, 
with the exception of one or two whose homes were in Aus- 

Later in the year V. V. Ashford, Louis Marshal and W. H. 
C. Greig who had been sentenced by the military court were 
released from prison on condition that they leave the country. 
With the exception of these three together with C. W. Ashford, 
rranstoun, Mueller and Jolmstone, all those deported were 
granted leave to return to the country before the end of the 
yen r. 



It was hardly two months after the Military Commission 
held its final session when a movement was set on foot to 
influence the President and his advisers to exercise their pre- 
rogative and grant pardons to the political prisoners. The 
plea was first made by former royalist leaders and, in conse- 
quence of the apparent disposition of former enemies of the 

Government to accept the political situation, received not a 
little support from many who had stood by the Republic from 
its inception. It was also argued that such a course would 
conciliate the native population, and create a more united 

The quiet condition of the community lent force to the 
plea for clemency and on the Fourth of July, 1895, almost six 
months after the fight in which Charles Carter was killed, 
forty-five of the "rank and file" of the natives incarcerated 
in consequence of their connection with the rebellion, were 
granted conditional pardons. Each and every pardon con- 
tained the following provisions: "Such sentence is suspended, 

and the said may go at large, subject to remand upon 

the order of the President." 

On the same day the sentences of the leaders were com- 
muted as follows: W. H. C. Greig, from twenty to fifteen years; 
T. B. Walker, thirty to fifteen years; Carl Widemann, thirty 
to fifteen years; Louis Marshall, twenty to fifteen years; W. 
H. Seward, thirty to twenty years; W. H. Rickard, thirty to 
twenty years; R. W. Wilcox, thirty to twenty years; and C. 
T. Gulick, thirty to twenty years. 

In granting these pardons members of the Executive 
endeavored to impress upon those who had been released that 
upon their good behavior after obtaining their liberty depended 
the attitude of the Government toward the leaders of the 
revolt, who remained in prison. 


It was not many weeks after this first act of clemency 
that the advocates of general pardon began to make them- 
selves heard. The ieffect abroad, the strength of the Re- 
public, its ability to maintain itself against all foes, and the 
conciliatory effect of such a move were the leading arguments 
presented. Those who opposed the general pardon held that 
such a move would be a practical admission that the insur- 
rection itself, the "war" for its suppression, the lengthy 
continuance of martial law, the extended sessions of the 
military court with its extreme sentences were all in the 
nature of a farce and would place the officers of the Govern- 
ment as the leading lights in an opera bouffe. 

In the face of arguments pro and con the Government held 
to its original policy of granting conditional pardons accord- 
ing as the peaceful condition of the country gave evidence 
that political leaders had deserted the policy of attempting 
to gain their ends by force of arms. Accordingly on the 5th 
of September the President and Cabinet went before the 
Council of State with the recommendation that conditional 
pardons be granted ex-Queen Liliuokalani, Carl Widemann, 
Prince "Cupid" and forty-six others. The recommendation 
received the sanction of the Council of State, and on Friday, 
September 7th, the prisoners named were released. In 
releasing the ex-Queen the Government made the extra con- 
dition that she reside at Washington Place and not change 
her residence without permission from the Government; also 

that she attend no political gatherings nor hold political 
meetings at her house. Some months later the Government 
gave the ex-Queen permission to reside anywhere on the 
Island of Oahu that suited her pleasure. 

As Thanksgiving Day approached the friends of the re- 
maining prisoners renewed their efforts to secure the release 
of the leaders who 'of all those sentenced by the Military 
Commission were the only ones remaining within the prison 
walls. Petitions for pardons signed by Hawaiians and for- 
eigners were placed before the President and letters were 
received from the men in prison in which they admitted their 
connection with the rebellion, expressed regret for their 
political mistakes and signified their willingness to take the 
oath to the Republic, and be numbered among its supporters. 
The petitions with the recommendations of the Executive 
were placed before the Council of State and as a result, on the 
28th of November W. H. Rickard, T. B. Walker, and five 
natives were released from prison upon the same conditions 
as previous pardons had been granted. There now remained 
in prison but eight of the men who took part, directly or 
otherwise, in the revolt. Among this number were R. W. 
Wilcox, C. T. Gulick, W. H. Seward and J. F. Bowler. 

After having released men quite as seriously implicated 
in the revolt as those who remained in prison, the people of 
the country were unanimously in favor of the Government 
making a clean sweep and allowing all the prisoners to go 


free. The Executive waited, however, until January 1, 1896, 
when the last prisoners, leaders and all, who had been sen- 
tenced by the Military Court were released from prison and 
allowed to go and come at their pleasure within the country, 
provided they kept free from political alliances made with a 
view to attempting the overthrow of the established 

This magnanimous policy of the Government toward its 
former enemies was generally applauded abroad and was 
received with more or less favor at home, although many of 
the staunch supporters of the Government believed it the 
final act of placing the stamp of farcial procedure upon the 
work of the Military Commission. As to the good or evil effects 
of the action of the Government upon the peculiar political 
conditions of Hawaii, time alone will demonstrate. If void 
of any other results, this action and the fact that it was 
sanctioned by a good proportion of the men who shouldered 
guns in support of the Government, shows with what readi- 
ness the people of Hawaii forget political differences even 
though those differences call for the defense of principle by 
resort to armed force. 



Immediately the Military Court closed its sessions, the for- 

eigners who had been arrested during martial law began to 
lay *plans for obtaining indemnity for what they considered 
unjust imprisonment. Some of these men had been sentenced 
by the court but the larger proportion of claimants was among 
those who had accepted the option of leaving the country and 
still others who had been arrested during the early days of 
the revolt and detained in prison until the excited condition 
of the community had subsided. 

The enemies of the Government were quite jubilant over 
the prospect for a time as it was believed that these claims 
would result in serious diplomatic complications and con- 
demning the action of the Republic by foreign powers. 

The first claims to be heard from by the Government were 
those of W. H. Rickard and T. B. Walker. These men, of 
British birth, gave affidavits that they had not become 
naturalized citizens of Hawaii notwithstanding they had exer- 
cised full rights of citizenship and held public office under 
the monarchy. This claim was regarded by Hawaiian officials 
as preposterous and upon searching the records it was found 
that both Walker and Rickard had taken out Hawaiian letters 
of naturalization. These facts were placed before the British 
Government and early in August British Commissioner 
Hawes informed Minister Hatch that the British Govern- 
ment recognized the claim of the Republic as to the citizen- 
ship of Rickard and Walker, hence the British Government 
had no interest in them. 


At the request of the British Commissioner his Govern- 
ment had been supplied with the evidence taken at the mili- 
tary trials. Early in August another request was made call- 
ing upon the Hawiian Government to set aside the verdict 
of the Military Court in the case of V. V. Ashford. The 
British Government admitted the validity of the court, also 
that the trials were conducted in an impartial manner. It 
was held, however, that Mr. Ashford had been convicted upon 
the evidence of an accomplice, hence the request. The 
Hawaiian Government took the matter under advisement 
and up to July 1, 1896, it was still a subject for diplomatic 

Of those claiming the protection of the British Government 
who did not appear before the Military Court the following 
have presented claims that have been brought to the attention 
of the Hawaiian Government: C. W. Ashford, Fred Harrison, 
G. Carson Kenyon, Lewis J. Levey, A. McDowall, F. H. 
Redward, W. I. Reynolds, T. W. Rawlins, E. B. Thomas, M. 
C. Bailey, and Charles E. Dunwell. Of other nationalities, 
George Lycurgus and P. G. Camarinos, citizens of Greece, 
Edmund Norrie, -&. Dane, Manoel Gil dos Reis, Portuguese. 
James Durell and George L. Ritman, Jr., Americans, have 
lodged claims for indemnity. The demands of the Grecian 
Government have been made through Great Britain. 

The first case to be urged by the United States was that 
of James Durrell, an American negro who had been arrested 

for endeavoring to incite Portuguese to join the ranks of the 
insurgents. As a result of Durrell's application to his Gov- 
ernment the following extraordinary communication was 
received by the Minister of Foreign Affairs: 

Legation of the United States, 

Honolulu, July 21, 1895. 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Sir: I have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of the 
affidavit of James Durrell, from which it appears Durrell was 
born in the State of Louisiana in 1858, and resided in the 
United States until September, 1894. He then came to this 
city and obtained temporary employment as a cook at the 
Arlington Hotel. On November 8, 1894, he purchased the 
lease and good-will of a cigar store, soda water and fruit 
stand, and gradually built up a lucrative business. On the 
9th of January last, while quietly seated in his store, he was 
arrested without explanation or information of any charge 
against him, confined in jail on common prison fare until 
the 27th of February following, a period of seven weeks, and 
then discharged without any trial, charges, explanation or 
opportunity of defense; nor has he, since his release, been 
informed of the cause of his arrest. 

He declares that he has never by word or deed forfeited his 
allegiance to or right of protection by his government; that 
he has neither done nor spoken anything directly or indirectly 


against the Government of Hawaii or its laws; that he has 
never expressed sentiments antagonistic to that Government, 
or in any manner counselled, encouraged, aided or abetted 
its enemies, either in armed rebellion or secret plotting; and 
that he never possessed any information which under exist- 
ing laws it was his duty to report to your Government. 

These statements establish, in the opinion of the President 
of the United States, a prima facie claim for substantial 
indemnity from the Hawaiian Government to Mr. Durrell. 
I am instructed, therefore, to bring this case to the attention 
of the Hawaiian authorities, leaving no doubt in their minds 
of the confidence felt in Washington ''that the Government 
of Hawaii will not refuse to tender adequate reparation to 
this injured citizen of the United States, nor hesitate to take 
prompt measures to exonerate him from the imputation which 
this arbitrary treatment has left upon his good name." 

With sentiments of high esteem, 

I am, Sir, very respectfully, 

E. E. & M. P., U. S. A. 

The general tenor of this letter, the demand being made 
before a statement from the Hawaiian Government had been 
obtained was regarded by the people at large as another evi- 
dence of President Cleveland's wholesome dislike for the 
Republic. The Government, however, took the matter under 

advisement, made a thorough investigation in order to ascer- 
tain the strength of the "prima facie claim" and the case is 
still the subject of diplomatic correspondence. In fact the 
evidence taken by the Government in all the cases against 
those who lodged claims, has been forwarded to the respective 
governments that have taken up the cause of their injured 

Further evidence of the apparently unfriendly attitude of 
the United States was found in the release of the schooner 
Wahlberg, by order of the Secretary of State. The Hawaiian 
Government held that the act of this American ship conveying 
the arms to Hawaii for the overthrow of the Republic, was in 
direct violation of neutrality laws. The American Govern- 
ment took no notice of the claim and released the captain 
and his ship from custody, notwithstanding the Hawaiian 
Government had sent an attorney and witnesses to San Diego 
to aid the prosecution of the case. 

Great Britain has pursued a less abrupt course, except 
possibly in the claim that the verdict in the case of V. V. 
Ashford should be set aside. The correspondence in this case 
has not been made public although it is generally understood 
among the supporters of the Government that the executive 
officials of the country will not attempt to set aside the action 
of a court the validity of whose formation and subsequent 
action has been accepted by Great Britain and upheld by the 
unanimous decision of the Supreme Court of Hawaii. 


The validity of the Military Commission was brought to 
test before the Supreme Court of the Hawaiian Islands through 
habeas corpus proceedings to secure the release of J. C. 
Kalanianole, "Prince Cupid," convicted of misprision of 
treason and sentenced to one year's imprisonment at hard 
labor and to pay a fine of one thousand dollars. The petition 
was filed May 20, 1895 and the case was argued before the 
full bench, Chief Justice Judd and Justices Bickerton and 
Frear, at the special May Term. Paul Neumann appeared 
for the petitioner and A. S. Hartwell and Lorrin A. Thurston 
for respondent. No sufficient ground being shown foi die dis- 
charge of the petitioner he was remanded to the custody of 
the Government. 

The briefs of counsel together with the decision of the court 
by Justice Frear have been published in book form. The 
syllabus of the court decision is given as follows: 

"Under Article 31 of the Constitution, which provides that 
the President may, in case of rebellion or invasion, or immi- 
nent danger thereof, place the whole or any part of the Re- 
public under martial law, the President alone is to decide 
whether the exigency is such as to require martial law, and 
how long martial law when proclaimed shall continue in force; 
and his decision is not subject to review by the courts. 

"Under martial law, in case of insurrection, the military 
commander may do whatever, in accordance with the customs 

and usages of war, he may deem necessary or proper for the 
suppression of the insurrection and the restoration of peace, 
and his acts cannot be called in question by the courts except 
in case of an abuse of power. 

"Under martial law, if necessary, in the opinion of the mili- 
tary commander, for the restoration of peace, a civilian may 
be tried by a military commission for misprision of treason. 

"Such trial may take place after actual hostilities have 
ceased and while the civil courts are in session, if there is still 
a state of war, and an impediment to such trials in the civil 

"Misprision of treason, if committed, is not necessarily com- 
pleted before an actual outbreak or the proclamation of 
martial law. 

"Notwithstanding a reservation in a proclamation of martial 
law that the civil courts would continue to conduct ordinary 
business, a person may, if necessary in the opinion of the 
President, be tried by a military commission. 

"The President may delegate to a Judge Advocate the power 
to bring a person before a military commission for trial." 

Shortly after the close of the Military Commission's work 
the Executive and Advisory Councils passed an Indemnity 
Act and other laws relating to judicial investigation of claims 
against the government, sedition and to "persons having cer- 
tain lawless intentions." These were passed without a dis- 
senting vote and were duly signed by the President. 



To the future historian the revolt of 18!)5 will mark the 
final test in the crucial stage of the Hawaiian Republic. 
Among the citizens of larger and more powerful nations the 
few days of actual fighting and the small number killed and 
wounded would possibly lead to the conclusion that the whole 
affair might be summed up in the expression "Much ado about 
nothing." But notwithstanding the conclusions which may 
be drawn by those unacquainted with the conditions of the 
country, the revolt of 1895 marks the downfall of all hopes 
for the restoration of a monarchy and established the ability 
of the Republic to maintain itself against even the armed 

opposition of men whose disgruntled leaders had played upon 
a misguided sympathy. While it had been hoped that civil 
strife would be avoided in the Hawaiian Republic, fate 
seemed to declare that the lesson was necessary. It was the 
storm that cleared the political air. The misguided ones tested 
the strength of republican support and found no weakness and 
on the other hand they had demonstrated to them the utter 
lack of true patriotism among those who had urged them on to 
take up arms. Today the body politic stands a united people 
with complete confidence in and loyalty to those in whose pow- 
er has been placed the administration of the laws of the land. 



The firm of H. Hackfeld & Co. was established on October 1, 1849, 
by Captain Henry Hackfeld, a German, who had previously been 
trading between Honolulu and Mexico, South America and China, 
and had become favorably impressed by the Islands. He brought with 
him his young wife and his brother-in-law, Mr. J. C. Pfluegjer, then 
16 years old, and started a small store on Queen street, near the old 
store of J. T. Waterhouse. In 1853 Mr. Hackfeld admittted his 
brother-in-law as partner of the firm, and the business having been 
successful, larger quarters were secured in the store owned by 
Dr. R. W. Wood, now the crockery store of Mr. J. T. Waterhouse. 
The firm had a large share of the whaling business, which was then 
at its best. In 1861 Mr. Hackfeld returned to Germany to attend to 
the interests of the firm in Europe, where he died on October 20, 1887, 
being 71 years old. Mr. Pflueger became sole manager in Honolulu in 
1861, and he succceeded in bringing the firm to the foremost rank 
on the Islands. They imported largely dry goods and other merchan- 
dise in their own vesssels, viz., A. J. Pope, R. W. Wood, R. C. Wyllie, 
Kaenoi, lolani, C. R. Bishop, etc. They also were agents for the oldest 
sugar plantations on the Islands, and had the business of the first 
steamers running between San Francisco, Honolulu and Australia. 

In 1871 Mr. Pflueger left for Germany, where he died on October 5, 

1883, being only 50 years old, and after having made two visits to 
Honolulu, viz., in 1874 and 1881. 

From 1871 to 1881 Messrs. J. C. Glade, E. Feirstenau, and later on 
H. W. Schmidt had charge of the firm's business, which in 1875 was 
transferred to the old Court House premises. 

After the beginning of the Reciprocity Treaty the firm assisted 
greatly by its financial aid in the establishment of the following new 
sugar plantations, viz.: Waianae Co., Waimanalo Sugar Co., Kilauea 
Sugar Co., Kekaha Sugar Co. and Plantations, Kipahulu Sugar Co., 
Kukaiau Plantation Co. and Ookala Sugar Plantation Co. In 1881 
Messrs. H. Hackfeld, J. C. Pflueger and J. C. Glade became silent 
partners with limited liability, and Messrs. Paul Isenberg, H. F. Glade 
and J. F. Hackfeld (a nephew of H. Hackfeld) entered the firm. In 
1886 Mr. E. Muller was admitted into the firm, but he retired again 
in 1890. Mr. H. W. Schmidt (now Senator for Honolulu) left the firm 
in 1889, in order to establish his own business under the well known 
firm of H. W. Schmidt & Sons, and In 1894 Mr. H. F. Glade retired 
and returned to Germany, leaving Mr. Paul Isenberg, now residing in 
Bremen, and Mr. H. Hackfeld, now manager of the firm in Honolulu, 
as general partners. 

The firm, in connection with their agents in Bremen, Messrs. J. C 
Pflueger & Co. (J. C. Pfleuger, Jr., and C. Henoch, Jr.), are still running 
their own vessels between Bremen and Liverpool and Honolulu. The 


same are known as the barks H. Hackfeld, J. C. Pflueger, Paul Isenberg, 
J. C. Glade, and ships Marie Hackfeld and H. F. Glade. 

They are agents for the Pacific Mail Steamship Company and 
Occidental and Oriental Steamship Company, whose steamers are now 
making semi-monthly calls at Honolulu between San Francisco 
and Japan and China, and the firm is also agents for the following 
sugar plantations: Lihue Plantation Co., Koloa Sugar Co., Grove Farm 
Plantation, Hanamaulu Sugar Plantation, Kekaha Sugar Company, 
Meier-Kruse, H. P. Faye Co., Pioneer Mill Co., Kipahulu Sugar Co., 
and Kukaiau Plantation Co. 

In 1890, at the instigation of Hon. Geo. N. Wilcox, the firm identified 
itself with a guano enterprise on Layson Island, now known as the 
Pacific Guano and Fertilizer Co. This corporation erected large fer- 
tilizer and acid works at Kalihi in 1893 and 1894, the capacity of which 
is now being doubled, owing to the increased demand for artificial 
fertilizers on the Islands. 

The firm has always held the German and Russian Consulates, Mr. 
J. W. Pflueger (a brother of J. C. Pflueger) being Russian Vice Consul 
at Honolulu from 1871 to 1883. 

The following gentlemen are now special partners of the firm: 
Mr. J. C. Glade, residing at Wiesbaden; Mr. J. W. Pflueger, residing at 
Bremen; Mr. J. C. Pflueger, residing at Bremen; Prof. H. H. Pflueger, 
residing at Bonn. 


The Hawaiian Fertilizing Company was organized by the present 
proprietor and manager, A. Frank Cooke, in 1888, and has grown from 
a struggling enterprise, furnishing to plantations two thousand tons 
of stable manure annually, to one of the largest fertilizing works on 
the Islands, the grounds and buildings covering nearly five acres of 
land at Iwelei. It is solely through the energy displayed by Mr. Cooke 
that the company is In its present prosperous condition. When he 

conceived the plan of supplying plantations with fertilizers he engaged 
the old bone mill at Kalihi Kai, formerly owned by G. J. Waller, the 
present manager of the Metropolitan Meat Co. But by economy and 
rare managerial ability the business soon outgrew the accommodations 
and facilities to supply the demand made upon it. Land was leased 
at Iwelei and the company, yielding to the pressure brought by a 
growing clientelle, the lines were extended until Mr. Cooke found it 
advisable to purchase the valuable tract where the works are now 

Being essentially a home industry, it has supplied a revenue to 
Hawaiians, engaged by the company as bone gatherers, all over the 
Islands. Its present condition and output is evidence of the quality 
of the product. Besides consuming yearly hundreds of tons of bones 
gathered here, the company was ttie first among the largest importers 
of nitrates and phosphates in the country. 

It has business connections in the United States, Europe and South 
America, who supply the home factory with the highest grade fertil- 
izers for compounding purposes. From the United States and Germany 
sulphate of ammonia, double super-phosphates and potash is secured, 
while the nitrates used are from the famous banks in Chili. Of the 
double super-phosphates, they carry phosphoric acid to the extent of 
thirty-five or forty per cent., soluble in water, and are the highest 
grades imported to this country. 

The wonderful Natural Plant Food, a product of Florida, U. S. A., is 
also imported by the company in large quantities and treated with 
chemicals, so that excellent results are obtained. These fertilizers, 
and they have no superior anywhere, are sold by the Hawaiian 
Fertilizing Co. at prices ranging to 25 per cent, less than that of other 
manufacturers. This is made possible by Mr. Cooke from the fact 
that the consumer is not called upon to contribute toward the expense 
of maintaining high salaried employes. The company owns in fee 
simple everything, in connection with the works, and careful buying, 
without having to pay agents' commissions, is a leading factor in 
obtaining this result. 


Since the establishment of the Experiment Station, analysis of soil 
is made and the strength and character of fertilizers required for 
districts throughout the Islands is obtainable. Orders for fertilizers 
mailed to the Hawaiian Fertilizing Co., with copies of such analysis, 
will be promptly and satisfactorily filled. 

All communications should be addressed to 

Proprietor and Manager, Honolulu, H. I. 


The business of E. O. Hall & Son, Limited, was commenced in 1852, 
under the firm name of E. O. Hall, at the corner of Fort and King 
streets, Honolulu, the site still occupied by the firm. 

For over a year after starting, the business was under the personal 
charge of Mr. T. L. Leyman, a half-brother to E. O. Hall, who at that 
time was editing the Polonesian newspaper. 

In these early years most of the customers were natives, and besides 
hardware the stock consisted of dry goods of all kinds and quite an 
assortment of groceries. In 1859 William W. Hall entered the employ 
of the firm as clerk, and became partner with his father in 1865, when 
the name of the firm was changed to E. O. Hall & Son. 

The firm continued to deal in hardware, agricultural implements, 
dry goods, leather, paints and oils, silver-plated ware, wooden ware, 
tools of all kinds, kerosene oil, etc., until about the year 1878, when 
dry goods were dropped, except a few staple articles. 

In 1880 "Mr. E. Oscar White, a grandson of E. O. Hall, became an 
employe of the firm. In 1883 the business was incorporated, and 
during that same year Edwin O. Hall, the founder of, the business, died 
while on a visit to the United States. 

About ten years ago the company put in stock a complete line of 
ship chandlery, and this has become one of the principal features of 

the business. This includes a large assortment of manila rope and 
iron and steel wire rope of all sizes up to four inches. 

The capital stock of the corporation is $150,000. The following are 
the officers of the corporation, who also constitute the Board of 
Directors: William W. Hall, President and Manager; E. Oscar White, 
Secretary and Treasurer; William F. Allen, Auditor; T. May and T. W. 
Hobron, Directors. 


This Company is now running trains to Waianae, 33% miles from 
Honolulu, the new Extension of fifteen miles beyond Ewa Plantation 
having been completed July 1, 1895. The equipment of the road is 
first-class in every particular. Excursion rates are maintained from 
Saturday morning till Monday of each week. A first-class hotel is 
in course of erection at Waianae, and will afford unequalled bathing 
facilities. A delightful ride through varied and unsurpassed scenery, 
a day of rest and pleasure at Waianae, make an excursion on the Oahu 
Railway one of the most attractive features of the Islands, not only to 
tourists, but to residents of Honolulu as well. 

Pearl City, located on the famous Pearl Harbor, the proposed naval 
and coaling station of the United States, has been, laid out in streets, 
provided with a complete system of water works, picnic grounds, 
dancing pavilion, boat houses, etc. Over $100,000 in lots have been 
sold to 150 different purchasers, and a number of residences erected; 
a few very desirable lots may yet be had on very reasonable terms. 
With a perfect climate and the pure air from mountain and sea, no 
other spot on earth can equal this as a health resort. Dr. P. S. Kellogg, 
of Battle Creek, Mich., says of this locality in a recent letter: "When 
we had reached a height of 1,000 feet, we could observe a marked 
difference in the atmosphere; so cool, pure and bracing was it that we 
were impressed with the thought that here, removed from the con- 


laminating influences of unsanitary surroundings, was an ideal spot 
for the invalid to find rest for body and mind." 

LANDS. This Company controls over 80,000 acres of valuable land. 
Since its organization in 1888, it has promoted two extensive 
plantations representing a cash capital invested of over $2,000,000. 
This, together with the development of promising fruit, coffee and 
canaigre industries, is evidence of its enterprise and transforming in- 
fluence on the Island of Oahu. A third sugar plantation on an exten- 
sive scale is projected, and there are many opportunities for smaller 
industries along the line of road. The proposed extension to Kahuku, 
53 miles beyond the present terminus, will reach another large area of 
magnificent sugar, rice and coffee lands; the road has been on a 
paying basis since it was built, and as it is further extended will be 
a blessing to every one interested, directly or indirectly, in this Island. 
G. P. Denison, Superintendent, B. F. Dillingham, General Manager. 


The firm of Castle & Cooke was formed in 1851 by Samuel N. Castle 
and Amos S. Cooke. 

Samuel Northrup Castle, senior partner, was born in Cazenovia, N. 
Y., August 12th, 1808, was cashier before coming to the Islands in a 
Cleveland, Ohio bank. He accepted in 1836 the position of financial 
agent of the American Board of Missions for the Islands and landed 
here April 9, 1837. He remained as such agent until 1865. In 1851 
he formed with Amos S. Cooke the mercantile firm of Castle & Cooke 
and continued his relationship until his death, July 14, 1894, at the 
age of 86 years, 

Amos Starr Cooke was born in Danbury, Conn., in 1810. As a young 
man he served several years as a bookkeeper with a large wholesale 
firm in New York. In 1836 he accepted an appointment as teacher 
for the Sandwich Islands Mission from the American Board and landed 
in Honolulu April 9, 1837. Mr. and Mrs. Cooke became the principals 

Of the school for the young chiefs which position they held until about 
1851 when Mr. Cooke associated himself with Mr. S. N. Castle and 
formed the firm of Castle & Cooke. Mr. Cooke on account of failing 
health withdrew from active business in 1863, although his interest 
continued until purchased by his son in 1871. 

J. B. Atherton was born in Boston Nov. 9th, 1837, received his edu- 
cation there, was three years as clerk in a wholesale commission house 
before coming to Honolulu, arriving here in December, 1858, by the ship 
"Syren." In March, 1859 he became a clerk for Castle & Cooke and 
January 1st, 1863, became a partner, remaining as such until the 
closing up of the firm in 1894, and was then elected President and 
Manager of the corporation, Castle & Cooke, Limited, which position he 
still holds. 

Joseph Platt Cooke, eldest son of Amos S. Cooke, was born in Hono- 
lulu June 15, 1838, was educated at Punahou and Yale College, gradu- 
ating from the latter in 1863. Mr. Cooke returned at once to Honolulu 
and took his father's place with the firm of Castle & Cooke. After 
the death of Mr. Cooke, senior, in 1871, his son purchased his interest 
in the firm and remained such until his death in 1879. 

George P. Castle, third son of S. N. Castle, was born in Honolulu 
April 29, 1851, was educated at Punahou and Ann Arbor, Michigan. 
He returned to Honolulu in 1874, when he became a clerk with Castle 
& Cooke, remaining such until 1882 when he purchased a portion of 
his father's interest and became a partner, remaining such until the 
closing up of the firm and its incorporation as Castle & Cooke, Limited, 
when he was elected Vice-President, which position he now holds. 

Wm. A. Bowen, nephew of S. N. Castle, was born in York, Ohio, 
March 17, 1853, was educated at Obeilin College and came to Honolulu, 
arriving July 16, 1878, at which time he became bookkeeper for Castle 
& Cooke. In 1888 he purchased an interest in the firm and remained 
a partner until the incorporation of the firm into Castle & Cooke, 
Limited, when he was elected Treasurer, which position he still holds. 

Edward D. Tenney, nephew of S. N. Castle, was born in Plainfield, 
N. Y., January 26th, 1859; was educated there and in Janesville Ohio; 


came to the Islands in 1877 spending the first few years in cane culti- 
vation at Papaikou, Hawaii. In 1880 he came to Honolulu and became 
a clerk with Castle & Cooke, remaining such until 1889 when he pur- 
chased an interest in the firm. In 1894 when the firm became incor- 
porated he was elected Secretary of Castle & Cooke, Limited, and 
remains such at this time. 


The Pacific Hardware Company, a limited corporation, holds the dis- 
tinction of possessing the oldest hardware store west of the Rocky 
Mountains, having been first started by Henry Dimond in 1849. Later 
the business was carried on by Hall & Dimond and in 1869 passed into 
the hands of Dillingham & Co. The firm was made up of B. F. Dilling- 
ham and Alfred Castle. Mr. Castle, being at the time Registrar of 
Public Accounts, was not an active member, and upon Mr. Dillingham 
devolved the management of the business. This partnership continued 
for five years, and about the time of its expiration Mr. Castle died. 
Mr. Dillingham continued the business, however, in his own interest 
and that of his late partner's estate until 1884, when the concern was 
incorporated under the name of the Pacific Hardware Company. In 
1880 James G. Spencer became a member of the firm. Since 1884 Mr. 
Dillingham has been President of the Company. 

The elegant brick structure of the Pacific Hardware Company on 
Fort street is unquestionably one of the handsomest business stores 
in Honolulu, and was erected especially for their use. In addition to 
the large stock of hardware here carried, they also have a choice 
collection of art goods, a separate room for the exhibition of which 
is set apart in the upper portion of the building. The two stories of 
the building, are occupied by this company, a broad and ornamental 
staircase connecting the two. The salesrooms are commodious and 
ample in size, being about 75 by 100 feet in dimensions. 

A handsome stock of the many articles used in home decorations 
is also carried, as well as a full line of plantation supplies.. 

The present officers of the company are President, B. F. Dillingham; 
Secretary, Jas. G. Spencer; Treasurer, G. S. Harris, Jr.; Auditor, W. F. 


The Hawaiian Electric Company was the pioneer electric lighting 
and supply company of the Hawaiian Islands, to be organized by 
private citizens. The enterprise was first started by E. O. Hall & 
Sons, being incorporated in January, 1893, with a capital stock of 
$20,000. The capital stock has since been raised to $250,000. The 
present officers of the company are President, W. G. Irwin; Vice-Presi- 
dent, J. A. Hopper; Treasurer, Godfrey Brown; Secretary, W. M. Giffard; 
Auditor, J. F. Hackfeld. The works of the company occupy a brick 
building 100 ft. by 100 ft. at the corner of Alakea and Haleknniln streets 
to which has also been attached the large cold storage building. Steam 
power is used entirely, there being two 150 horse power tubular boilers 
and one 350 horse power Hine safety boiler. There are three engines 
of 100, 300 and 350 horse power respectively, and four dynamos supply 
electricity for the system of 6,000 incandescent and arc lights and 
motors used in different business houses about town. The manage- 
ment of the company's works is in the hands of Theo. Hoffman, a 
practical electrician who has held the position since Sept. 1, 1894. W. 
F. Warriner is first superintendent. In the spring of 1896 an ice manu- 
facturing plant was added, also a cold storage building, with a capacity 
of 100,000 cubic feet. The ice plant manufactures all the ice used in 
the city of Honolulu. The refrigerating engine is a Frick compound 
Corliss type of 100 horse power, run with compound condensers. The 
water before made into ice is reboiled twice and filtered five times. 
The cold storage plant is divided into fifteen rooms with temperature 


varying from 10 deg. to 42 deg. Far. Meat markets, grocers, fruit and 
liquor dealers of the city have already taken up nearly all the available 
space of the plant. The building is two stories with all the latest 
fittings as electric elevators, electric lights through all the rooms, over- 
head tracks in the large meat rooms, etc., etc. In the electrical de- 
partment the company keeps a large stock of electrical fittings and is 
prepared to install electric plants and supply all the necessary fittings 
for house lighting. 


Company, which has lately established a large canning factory for 
canning pineapples and other fruit products of the country. The firm 
has also figured prominently as the pioneers in the sale of Island coffee. 
Although Hawaii is a coffee producing country, many of the wholesale 
and retail houses had supplied their trade with imported material 
when the berry was growing on the hillsides of their own country. 
Although the coffee product is yet rather small, McChesney & Sons 
took what there was and prepared it for the market, finding ready pur- 
chasers. The guardian spirit of this firm may well be said to be home 
manufacture. The men who compose the firm are highly respected, 
active business men who have been prominent in politics as well as 
business circles. 

This firm was established in 1879 by Matthew Wats6n McChesney 
who came to the Islands from New York State. Mr. McChesney was 
a tanner by trade and established a small tannery in connection with 
a grocery store the goods for which he brought out on his first trip. 
The following year his two sons H. N. and R. W. McChesney came to 
the country and conducted the grocery business which had grown 
sufficiently to require more assistance. The founder of the firm died 
in 1888 at the age of 83 years. At this time H. N. McChesney sold 
out his interest and the firm was conducted by J. M., F. W. and R. W. 
McChesney. During the ten years that* had elapsed the grocery de- 
partment had developed a large wholesale trade throughout the 
Islands and the tannery had also been enlarged to meet the demands 
of the increasing business of the country. In 1881, the Honolulu Soap 
Works was added to the enterprises in which the firm of McChesney 
& Sons were the prime movers. These works, started in a small way, 
have constantly enlarged and now turn out 'ten tons of pure grade 
laundry soap at each boiling. This department employs a good num- 
ber of men and now supply nearly all the island trade with laundry 
soap, the output averaging, some 800 boxes per month. The members 
of the firm have also taken a lively interest in the fruit trade of the 
country, F. W. McChesney being the president of the Woodlawn Fruit 


This firm is composed of Messrs. Glaus Spreckels and Wm. G. Irwln, 
and controls the entire Spreckels interests in the Hawaiian Islands, 
Mr. W. G. Irwin being the acting partner in the firm. Wm. G. Irwin 
& Co. are the leading factors in the sugar business of these Islands. 
This firm was first established in 1874 by Wm. G. Irwin, Col. Z. S. 
Spaulding and John S. Walker, who continued as its proprietors until 
1880, when the firm dissolved, and Messrs. Irwin and Spreckels became 
associated and continued the business under the old name. On July 
1st, 1890, the concern was incorporated with a capital of $500,000, all 
the stock being retained by the principals, except a small amount that 
was placed among the trusted employes of the firm. Prior to 1880 Mr. 
Spreckels had become largely interested in the sugar industry of 
Hawaii, but up to that time had nobody directly representing his 
interests. His operations became, however, so extended that he found 
it necessary to have a regular representative at Honolulu, and having 
become well and favorably acquainted with Mr. Irwin in previous 
transactions, in which the latter acted in the capacity of sugar buyer 


for J. D. Spreckels of San Francisco, he made W. G. Irwin his partner. 
The prestige, enterprise and enormous wealth of Glaus Spreckels at 
his back gave this firm immense advantage over all competitors. In 
addition to the plantations of which Mr. Spreckels was already whole 
or part owner, the agency and control of others was secured by 
advancing money, both on crops and on the plantations themselves, 
this firm having had due them at one time from planters on these 
Islands some two and a half millions of dollars. New plantations 
were also started on the firm's account. They acted as the Islands 
agents for the Hawaiian Commercial and Sugar Co. from its inception. 
They also started and enlarged numerous others, including the 
Paauhau Plantation, the Hakalau Plantation, the Hilo Sugar Co., and 
the Hutchinson Plantation, each of which has an annual capacity of 
from six to seven thousand tons. The total amount of sugar handled 
by Wm. G. Irwin & Co. from the crop of 1891 was nearly 50,000 tons. 

Another important branch of the business of Wm. G. Irwin & Co. 
is the agency of the Oceanic Steamship Company, which runs one 
steamer, namely, the "Australia," between the ports of Honolulu 
and San Francisco, and the "Mariposa" and the "Alameda" between 
San Francisco and Australia, and which also runs a large number of 
packets between the Islands and the Pacific coast, carrying lumber 
and merchandise to Wm. G. Irwin & Co. and others of Honolulu, and 
returning to San Francisco with sugar and rice. The company is also 
agent for the new Japan-Seattle line, the Nippon Yusen Kaisha. 

The lines of merchandise dealt in by Wm. G. Irwin & Co. consist 
of such goods as are in demand on plantations and in plantation 
districts. Their trade is large and extends all over the Islands, but 
the bulk of it consists in supplying, the plantations of which they have 
the exclusive control. 

All the various departments of this enormous business, as well 
as all the plantations themselves, are under the direct supervision of 
Mr. Wm. G. Irwin. 


The St. Louis College, G. Bertram principal, is located at the foot 
of Beretania street. The premises, abounding with luxuriant vege- 
tation and all kinds of tropical trees and plants, formerly belonged to 
the "Montgomery Estate," and were purchased by the late Rt. Rev. 
Hermann, D. D., Bishop of Olba, as the site for this college. He erected 
a two-story brick building, and after its erection, procured a corps of 
teachers from" the States. In 1883 these took charge of the institution. 
At the end of the first year it was found necessary to provide additional 
accommodations on account of the rapid increase in the number of 
pupils. Two large, roomy two-story buildings were then erected. 

The buildings, though modest in appearance, are well furnished. 
The chemical and philosophical apparatus was imported from Europe. 
The College also possesses a collection of minerals and Hawaiian curios 
and a library for the use of the students. The latter contains a good 
selection of juvenile books, and several of the leading American 

The St. Louis College aims to be a first-class preparatory, classical 
and commercial school. The course of studies is well graded. It is 
completed in the High Class, in which a thorough and practical knowl- 
edge in the several departments of business, literature and science is 
imparted. Students may pursue special courses in music, art and 
modern languages. Greek and Latin are optional. 







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